Atlantic Voices Vol. 4, No. 7 (July 2014)

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ATLANTIC TREATY ASSOCIATION

Volume 4 - Issue 7 July 2014

The Transatlantic Bond: Facing Security Threats Together Since the establishment of NATO and the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949 the Transatlantic Bond served as a security and communication bond between North America and Europe based on shared norms and values such as freedom, peace and prosperity. Despite being the foundation of EuroAtlantic security, different perceptions of security challenges, various priorities in national policies and strategies and an unequal distribution to defense capabilities of the two North Atlantic continents have lead to insecurities on both sides. Without a doubt the

171st NATO Chiefs of Defence meeting—General Philip Breedlove (Supreme Allied Commander Europe) and General Volker Wieker (Chief of Defence, Germany) (Photo: NATO)

Contents: The Transatlantic Relationship in an Age of Austerity and the Atlantic Ocean and has to include all Change Transatlantic Bond is crucial for both sides of

Parties to strengthen the collaboration and Philip Ulrich illustrates the gaps in governance as well as recent events that trust between Western Allies. threaten the strength and integrity of the Transatlantic Bond. He argues that This edition of Atlantic Voices will exam- shifts in foreign and economic policy on both sides of the Atlantic call for an ine two views on the cooperation within increase in the role of Europe in order to keep the United States involved. NATO and the Transatlantic Bond by ex- Transatlantic Bond: Strength in Years to Come Nathan Turregano examines the Transatlantic Bond regarding NATO’s reassurploring how current events, economic partance as a politically unifying and militarily cohesive force. Additionally, he exnerships and joint military exercises are inplores the role economic ties like TTIP can play to strengthen NATO and the fluencing the future Allied defence policies. connection and cooperation between the transatlantic partners. Edited By: Martha A. Scheja Atlantic Voices, Volume 4, Issue 7


The Transatlantic Relationship in an Age of Austerity and Change simultaneously; however, the greatest commitment of resources from the Alliance has gone to the ISAF miss the NATO Alliance withdraws from its sion. mission in Afghanistan, it moves into a peAs the mission ends at the end of 2014, the Alriod where the Alliance and the transatlanliance needs a new mission for the future. The two tic relationship have to be defined to match the developtions for the Alliance are: a move back to a Cold oping world order. The crisis in Ukraine in the spring War-like stance focusing on territorial defense, or a of 2014 has shown that Europe still needs the United continued active Alliance with a global perspective States. However, the relationship has to be defined in engaged in out-of-area missions. Given the global ina time where the United States is redefining its forterests of the NATO members, the second option eign policy and defense budgets are being cut on both seems the most likely; however, the recent crisis in sides of the Atlantic. Ukraine has prompted the question of whether an The challenge for the European Allies is twoentirely global focus is necessary. fold in regard to defining the future of the transatlanContinued out-of-area engagement would help tic relationship. On the one hand, Europe must try to the United States maintain a leading role in the global keep the United States engaged in European affairs, security environment, which is a central aspiration of prompted by situations such as the Obama-administration’s the crisis in Ukraine, and on foreign and defense policy. On Europe must try and keep the United States the other hand, find a way to the other hand, continued outengaged in European affairs...while on the meet the US demands for other hand meet the US demands for greater of-area engagement would engreater European contributions sure a continued, and potentialEuropean contributions. to meet common challenges. ly increasing, global role for the Three factors are going European Allies, either in a to be influencing the transatlantic relationship both in NATO or EU setting. the long- and near-term future: Defining a new role for the NATO Alliance • The US ”pivot”/”rebalance” to the Asia-Pacific following 2014 will also require a revision of the burregion den sharing aspects of the transatlantic relationship. • Russian behavior towards Eastern Europe Are the European Allies going to have to take on a • Declining defense budgets on both sides of the larger role in the future, prompted by declining US defense budgets, and new US foreign policy objecAtlantic tives and priorities? This is an important part of the The Withdrawal From Afghanistan The end of NATO’s mission in Afghanistan is discussion which must be defined. the reason for the existential questions arising within As the US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Martin Dempsey, said in a recent interview: the Alliance. The Allies are faced with the challenge “The NATO Alliance has done a great job in partnerof defining the future role for the Alliance. ing with us in Afghanistan. That showed the Alliance Since 2003, NATO has had the leadership role over was willing to look beyond its own borders and bethe ISAF mission, which has served as the primary come a regional force for good and stability. Now I focus of the Alliance ever since. This has not meant think the crisis in Ukraine is causing NATO to look that the Alliance has not carried out other operations By Philip Chr. Ulrich

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which moved the Clinton-administration away from back to its own backyard, and forcing it to decide wheththe Asia-Pacific, and the terrorist attacks on September er it still has the capability and capacity to reassure its 11 2001 which moved the Bush-administration’s attenmember states – especially those Eastern countries that tion to the Middle embraced NATO as East. The fact that it enlarged in the it is the third at1990s – that the Altempt by the Unitliance remains credied States in 20 ble. So the Ukraine years, means that it crisis is a challenge is something which to the international has a very high priorder, and we ority for the United should respond to it States, and someas part of our thing to which the NATO Alliance.” European Allies This very will have to get clearly sums up the used to. setting for the disThe US continues to emphasize its “rebalance” towards the AsiaTo achieve this cussion of NATO’s Pacific. The European Allies will have to find a way to adapt to this fact. ambition of a more future role following (Photo: Washington Post) balanced foreign the withdrawal from policy which also focuses on the Asia-Pacific, the Afghanistan. Obama-administration has led a very withdrawn forUS Pivot/Rebalance to Asia-Pacific eign policy, making great efforts to avoid becoming Since 2012, a major priority for the Obamaengaged in potentially new and long-term military administration has been to commit more efforts, both commitments, such as Libya or Syria. This has been diplomatically, economically and militarily to the Asiadone in order to avoid US foreign policy from once Pacific region in order to counter the declining US presagain being diverted by unforeseen global events beence in the region for the previous decade. This ambition yond the control of the United States. of rebalancing towards this strategically important region For the European Allies, this means a smaller was reaffirmed in the 2014 version of the US Department room to maneuver, as it is given beforehand that the of Defense’s “Quadrennial Defense Review”, emphasizing United States is very unlikely to commit forces in trathe deep desire of the Obama-administration to reditional proportions, to any mission which might turn balance, as well as the longer-term strategic interest for into a long-term stability operation. The fact that the the United States in carrying out this strategy. Since United States is unlikely to commit forces on the usual 2001, the United States has been unable to commit rescale means that a military option will rest in large part sources to the Asia-Pacific region, proportional to the on the European Allies, which in turn makes a military region’s growing strategic importance. The Obamaoption less likely. administration’s “rebalance” to the Asia-Pacific is an effort The withdrawn US foreign policy has also meant to reverse this tendency. that the United States has been more reluctant to comThis is the third time an American administration mit forces to out of area missions such as Mali. Therehas attempted to increase strategic focus on the Asiafore the European Allies have to commit more to inPacific region since the end of the Cold War, however, ternational missions, in order to compensate for deearlier attempts have been hindered by unforeseen intercreased US contribution of forces. national events, requiring US attention. These were In all, the US rebalance to the Asia-Pacific gives events like the civil wars in the Balkans in the 1990s Atlantic Voices, Volume 4, Issue 7

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far less diplomatic room to maneuver as the major Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan and the counterally is unlikely to commit military resources, as piracy mission, Operation Ocean Shield in the Gulf of well as requires a greater role from the European Aden. Allies, prompting a revision of the transatlantic There is, however, one major challenge which relationship when it comes to commitment of is currently defining the strategic debates on both military forces to any future missions. sides of the Atlantic - declining defense budgets. Russian Behavior Towards Eastern Europe Declining Defense Budgets on Both Sides of Russian behavior in the early part of 2014, the Atlantic has shown that the changing world order also has As a consequence of the ongoing financial crieffects on the immediate European perimeter. sis, defense budgets have become the target of inThe status of the United States as the world’s creased attention and cuts. This tendency has been leading super power is being challenged these prevailing on both sides of the Atlantic. years, and Russian behavior towards Ukraine, is The reasoning behind major parts of the depart of this tendency. fense cuts in many European countries has been that The situation has prompted a reassurance with the end of the ISAF mission in Afghanistan the from the Obama-administration to its European nations can get a “peace dividend”. This means movAllies, that the United States is committed to honing money from defense budgets to other budgets (or oring its treaty obligations under the NATO Pact. remove them altogether), because the money is no This has also been shown in the form of increased longer needed to sustain the mission in Afghanistan. numbers of US military aircraft sent to the Baltics, The decline in European defense budgets is as well as increased commitment of US personnel clear when looking at global to a joint exercise in Potendencies in defense budgets. In land. 2013, defense budgets in Europe The challenge for Europe in 2014 is confronted with a decreased, and for the first time both the European Allies gap between security demand and ca“Asia and Australasia” have overand the United States is to pability to supply. taken the position as the world’s find a common way to consecond biggest spenders, behind front Russian behavior in the United States. These numthe region. The options, however, are very limbers are subject to debate of how one defines the geoited. As a military option is off the table to graphic limits of Europe, as well as what is counted reestablish Ukraine’s territory. under defense expenditures. However, the tendency While the crisis in the Ukraine has meant a in later years has been a decrease in European defense confirmation of US commitment to the NATO budgets. As Olivier de France says in a Brief Issue Alliance, it does also present a challenge in that it from the European Union Institute for Security Studgoes to the center of the existential question that ies: “Not unlike France in 1939, Europe in 2014 is the NATO Alliance is asking itself at the moment. confronted with a ‘growing gap between security deNo one doubts that NATO continues to be immand and capability supply,’ as the IISS recently put portant for the transatlantic relationship - that is it.” not the existential question. The question is what The argument on the American side of the Atthe role of NATO should be in the future. Should lantic has not only focused on the end of the mission it be primarily focused on the territorial integrity in Afghanistan, but the broader ending of the postof the NATO Members, its traditional Cold War 9/11 conflicts. This is the culmination of the Obamarole, or should it continue to focus on out-of-area administration’s efforts to bring the United States out missions like the International Security Assistance Atlantic Voices, Volume 4, Issue 7

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pean Allies and the United States. For years, the Unitof the constant state of war in which the country has ed States has called on European countries to contribfound itself since 2001. By ending the post-9/11 conute more to their common defense. This request has flicts, the Obama-administration’s goal is to focus on been intensified due domestic issues, to the US budget both politically and cuts. financially. As European The impleAllies are also cutting mentation of the defense budgets, it proposed budget becomes difficult for cuts will mean a the Europeans to decreased US Armeet the US request. my, and a greater This means that Eufocus on the US ropean Allies are unaNavy and Air Force, ble to increase their the two branches contribution to the most relevant to the US rebalance to the Former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates called on European Allies NATO budgets, as Asia-Pacific region. in 2011 to contribute more to the common defense or face an uncertain well as being unable to increase their confuture for European security. (Photo: StarMedia) This development tributions to internahas for instance tional missions or to possible future missions that might shown itself through the withdrawal of the permanent arise. US Army presence in Europe. As this debate has increased in recent years, The US defense budget can potentially be hit many American politicians have increasingly become harder than the current level of cuts, if weary of the European Allies and their contributions to “Sequestration” returns for the fiscal year of 2016. common defense. Such weariness is potentially danger“Sequestration” has been put on hold for 2014 and ous, as it can strain the transatlantic relationship, and 2015 as part of a budget agreement made in late 2013 potentially provoke a decline in US contribution to the in the US Congress. NATO Alliance. This is an absolute worst-case scenarThis could mean further reductions in the size io, but is a threat which must be considered by NATO of the US Army and Marine Corps, as well as have a members and partners. more limited impact on the US Navy and Air Force. This could mean further reductions in the size of This could further limit the foreign policy options on the US Army and Marine Corps, as well as have a more which the US administration can rely. limited impact on the US Navy and Air Force. This The US rebalance to the Asia-Pacific region, could further limit the foreign policy options on which declining defense budgets, combined with a declining the US administration can rely on. political will in the United States, are resulting in the The US rebalance to the Asia-Pacific region, demore withdrawn US foreign policy observed in these clining defense budgets, combined with a declining years. The trend of declining defense budgets on both political will in the United States, are resulting in the sides of the Atlantic, means a strain on the transatlanmore withdrawn US foreign policy observed in these tic relationship. years. The trend of declining defense budgets on both Potential Strain on the Transatlantic Relationsides of the Atlantic means a strain on the transatlantic ship relationship. The declining defense budgets go to the center of the discussion of burden sharing between the EuroAtlantic Voices, Volume 4, Issue 7

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A Need for Europe to Step Up to the Plate the burden-sharing falling on the European Allies will The withdrawal of NATO forces from Afghanibe for them to address the “growing gap between secustan has prompted this need to redefine NATO’s furity demand and capability supply”, mentioned before. ture mission and consequently might alter the transatIf the European Allies can address this issue, it will help lantic relationship. What will impact the way forward them in both keeping the United States engaged as well for the transatlantic relationship will be the declining as secure a larger role for the European nations in the defense budgets, the US rebalance to Asia-Pacific, as new world order which is forming these years, as a rewell as the need to figure out a way to stand united sult of a withdrawing United States, decreased defense against Russia’s budgets in the West, behavior in Eastas well as rising (or ern Europe. reemerging) powers T h e s e around the world factors will reclaiming their spot at quire the Eurothe head of internapean Allies to tional relations. take on a greater How the Eurorole in the transpean Allies handle the atlantic relationchanging security ship. The most challenges will potenpressing and tially define the future influential of of the transatlantic these factors is relationship. The rethe declining definition of this relabudgets, as they tionship will in turn U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, influence the be closely linked to Japan's Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Japan's Foreign Minister Fumio Kipolitical will to the definition of shida and Japan's Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera pose for photos in commit re NATO’s future role Tokyo on October 3, 2013.(Photo: Koji Sasahara/Courtesy Reuters) sources to popost-2014. tential missions, as well as the resources which can be committed in case a mission is decided upon. About the author Central to defining the transatlantic relationship for the post-Afghanistan period will be the issue Philip Chr. Ulrich holds an M.A. in American Studof burden-sharing. The United States is reprioritizing ies from the University of Southern Denmark. He anaits foreign policy to adapt to fit the budgetary situalyzes American foreign and defense policy for the Dantion and a strategic need to focus on the Asia-Pacific. ish website Kongressen.com. He has previously This means an opportunity, as well as a need, for the worked as head of section at the Royal Danish Defence European Allies to take on greater responsibility in College, where he published several briefs on US dethe Alliance. Whether this can be done is very much fense and foreign policy. He has also completed an independent on how the Allies handle the ongoing deternship at the Lessons Learned / Development Section fense cuts, and how the political as well as public will, at the Civil-Military Cooperation Centre of Excellence develop in regards to committing military forces to in Enschede, the Netherlands. international missions. The clear issue in regards to a greater part of Atlantic Voices, Volume 4, Issue 7

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Transatlantic Bond: Strength in Years to Come nations, especially in Eastern Europe and the Balkans. After Russia’s actions towards Ukraine, NATO’s foundation of cooperative defense has once again become ith growing threats on the Eastern borrelevant, but long out of practice. After the Cold War der of Europe and with extremism in the NATO strayed from this keystone in the Alliance and Arab World on the rise, the Transatlanbegan other security and humanitarian measures in ortic Bond is more crucial than ever. This relationship der to maintain relevance within the modern world. among the North Atlantic countries acts as one of the With its ventures outside of Europe and its lack of restrongest alliances in the free world. This relationship has sponse in the Russo-Georgian conflict, the cohesion of existed since the First World War and has had its fair the Alliance has come into question further. This reshare of prosperity along with its times of peril. These turn to the core of the Alliance will take some readtimes of strife over the years have led to an unfortunate justment among the organization, which begins with but natural fading of trust among the Allies. Lack of acreassurance of member states. tion from NATO in conflicts has caused ripples in the With Russia challenging the European continent security community and among its member states. The and the United States with its growing military and United States’ shift towards Asia has made its investment economic power, NATO must be able to uphold Artiof military and economic entities in the European region cle 5 at any cost. Countries in Eastern Europe such as decline in recent decades. These breaks in trust across the Moldova and Lithuania are suspected to be in Russia’s Atlantic need to be repaired in order for the region to line of sight for future campresent a strong, cooperative, and paigns. NATO must be able, if cohesive West. In each of these secThe strength of the Transatlantic Bond a member state is attacked, to tors there are legislative directives in the coming months and years will rally all member states to come and approaches that need to be or be based on the strength of the basic to assistance militarily in the are currently being implemented. values of NATO and how they stand prevention of Russian advanceWithin the political aspect of the in its member nations. ment into Europe or its pesituation, NATO reassurance is the riphery. key to promoting a united front of The reassurance must encompass multiple straupholding Article 5 and the integrity of the Alliance. The tegic policy areas, the first being a more in depth and military cohesion comes with an increase in joint training comprehensive crisis management plan for each and exercises among countries contributing troops to NATO. every member state. Individual contingency plans must Within the economic field, the adoption of the Transatbe drafted, for each member state, that address the lantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) agreepossibility of future aggression within a member state ment is the key to further linking North America and Euof NATO. These plans show the nations that NATO rope. These will solidify the Transatlantic bond for years officials and military personnel can work together coto come and help it face adversaries on all fronts. hesively in order to enact the security force of NATO. NATO Reassurance as Political Solidification Probably the most crucial element of reassurThe strength of the Transatlantic Bond in the comance that plays into the strengthening of the Transating months and years will be based on the strength of the lantic Bond is the further engagement and cooperation basic values of NATO and how they stand in its member By Nathan Turregano

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increased coordination and cooperation on a political among international organizations such as the EU level rather than a security one. Reassurance is the and the UN, along with national governments key to future political cooperation of the Alliance and themselves. NATO itself cannot handle the politithe Transatlantic Bond as a political entity. cal and economic burden of the crises completely Military Cohesion on its own. Defense budgets on both sides of the The military acts as the backbone of the policy Atlantic are declining while the forces needed in enacted by NATO and therefore must be cohesive and Eastern Europe are increasing in demand. With rapidly deployable. Although defense spending on the partnership of NATO and the European Unboth sides of the Atlantic are declining, it is crucial to ion, the EU plays an important role of evaluating have operational presence in at risk areas and member the economic and political impact of Russia’s acnations. This would include the continuation of militions within Europe. The partnership can act as a tary exercises and joint training in order to further the seamless continuum in order to combat threats of cohesion among different NATO military factions. both military and non-military nature. The new Also, the continued surveillance and intelligence gathmember states’ relationship with NATO is where ering in Central and Eastern Europe with the continimprovements need to be made in order to imued operational assistance of both equipment and prove the overall strength of the Alliance. Instead troops to Central and Eastern Europe as further deof asking for military assistance from older or terrence. more Western member states, these new mem2014 marks a major shift in NATO policy. bers need to First and foremost, it secure their marks the cease of own military major operations withreforms. in Afghanistan. This These withdrawal of a sizable reassurance number of NATO policies will troops has a much impact the more sizable impact on strength of the the strength of the Transatlantic Transatlantic Bond in Bond in multiterms of member ple ways. The states’ military cohefirst being the sion. Operations in Joint Training Exercises of the NATO Allies reestablishAfghanistan were not ment of the (Photo: Allied Command Operations) only beneficial to the true political Afghan people and the country as a whole, but also nature of cooperative defense. Instead of individual acted as an outlet for NATO member militaries to states coming up with personal agendas and securiwork together at an operational capability level on a ty policies, it gives a common contingency plan day to day basis. This interaction increased the trust that brings each member state closer and more and bond between NATO military entities that should interdependent upon one another. The second is exist without the need of major operations such as an increase in cooperation among non-NATO orAfghanistan. Since the Alliance is withdrawing a maganizations, which increases support in future pojority of the troops from this operation and switching litical and operational endeavors. These partnerto operation Resolute Support, it is feared that the ships will also be beneficial in solidifying cohesion cohesion between militaries will fade away and lead to among member states’ national governments with Atlantic Voices, Volume 4, Issue 7

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Further Economic Ties complications further down the road. The Transatlantic Bond spreads beyond just These complications between militaries have NATO and collective military capabilities. The econpotential to tear at the very seams of NATO and its omy plays a large role in the strength among nations cooperative security agenda and thus the Transatlantic across the North Atlantic. The European Union has Bond as a whole. In future operations, military entiprogressed Europe by leaps and bounds as a single ties from separate countries will be in lack of informal economic entity, thus boosting the economies of each and formal information and intelligence sharing, and every member state. Europe now competes with knowledge and trust of each others’ capabilities as a China and the United States in terms of level of ecomilitary force, and potential distrust between personnomic output compared to each individual European nel. These factors are a recipe for disaster if NATO is state competing individually against major superpowneeded to make future military operations requiring ers. The Transatlantic Bond needs strong economic multiple member armies. This is the main concern in ties in order to mainregards to the Russian tain its beneficial and threat to the West and close relationship, upholding Article 5. especially the case The solution to this between the US and issue can be found in the Europe. With the increase of joint training recent Transatlantic exercises across Europe. Trade and Investment These exercises will proPartnership (TTIP) vide a way for militaries agreement, the ecoto work together in a non nomic ties across the lethal environment in orocean will be even der to establish trust in NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen greater than before. one another, working (Photo: NATO International) TTIP encomeffectively together in the passes multiple refuture. Operations such forms in trade between Europe and the Untied States. as Steadfast Javelin are especially effective in light of First and foremost, it seeks to remove trade barriers recent events. Namely, Steadfast Javelin allowed for in a wide range of economic sectors in efforts to make more major powers to establish a relationship with it easier to buy and sell goods between the EU and the smaller militaries, which in this case it were the EstoUS. In addition to the elimination of tariff barriers, nians. It is critical for major super powers to enhance TTIP aims to tackle issues associated with customs their operational capabilities with smaller nations on barriers, which include technical regulations, standthe eastern border of Europe. The cooperation beards and approval procedures. It claims that these bartween major military superpowers happens on a day riers usually mean extra time and costs to buyers and to day basis in bi-lateral and multi-lateral operations sellers who participate in both the US and the Europeoutside of NATO. Thus, the focus should be shifted an markets. Another reason TTIP seeks to reform towards joint exercises that include major NATO regulatory policies is because closer relations with the forces with a smaller less powerful NATO military, US would make regulation more effective, by only especially in the Eastern nations. These operations taking the best ideas from both laws and implementwill show major military support for Article 5 in the ing them as a common policy, improving cohesion Eastern member states as well as show that major milacross the pond furthering the already large economic itary entities are capable of acting as a further deterand political implications of this agreement. rence to Russian aggression in Eastern Europe. Atlantic Voices, Volume 4, Issue 7

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TTIP is in its 6th round of negotiations between the EU and the US. Although the negotiations are working towards producing an effective and beneficial agreement for both parties, the negative effects of TTIP are difficult to work around. The looming problem associated with TTIP is how this regional trade agreement will affect global trade. First and foremost, it will make integration of current US and EU trading partners even more difficult than before. This exclusive agreement will, by association, increase the regulatory standards of countries such as Mexico and Turkey in order for their products to be accepted into the TTIP market. Another global implication of TTIP is that it appears as an act of solidarity within the West. In a geopolitical scheme, China feels being the direct target of TTIP and that this economic bond is exclusively to rival it as an upcoming global economic powerhouse. This is, of course, dispelled by the West who claims that this is purely for the growth of the European and US economies through less regulated trade. The Transatlantic Bond as a whole will greatly be affected by this trade partnership. For an obvious reason, it will bring the North Atlantic together as a whole through increasing cohesion of regulatory and tariff policies, forcing cooperation of policy makers from both sides of the sea. The current NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen has stated in the past that he believes TTIP is critical to creating an “Integrated Transatlantic Community”. The Transatlantic Bond is one of the most important transnational relationships in the free world with trade being the lifeblood. Anything to boost the solidarity and efficiency will lead to a bolstering in all aspects of the relationship, including security and political agendas. Concluding Thoughts NATO, of course, as a transatlantic organization, is obviously in favor of strengthening the Transatlantic Bond. Probably one of the biggest supporters of closer ties is the NATO Secretary General himself who has pushed and supported a strong transatlantic community throughout his entire political career. In the recent “Strengthening the Transatlantic Bond”

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conference, he made it clear what needs to be done in order to further bolster relations across the Atlantic. He expressed his support for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and its key role in strengthening the economic ties of North America and Europe. He addressed how NATO itself needs to be strengthened in order to accomplish closer ties across the Atlantic. He also stressed the importance of public support to Transatlantic Bond in order to further progress policy and establish security for future generations. This led him to discussing the importance of incorporating young leaders and professionals in research and policy ideas. This will lead to the future ideas and outlook of the Alliance and how its role and activities will affect the future of regional security and the Transatlantic Bond. Secretary General Rasmussen understands that NATO plays a critical role in the Transatlantic Bond but also that this is not the core of the relationship. With the ongoing reassurance, the security agenda at a political level will present a cooperative defense that has not been seen since the founding of NATO in 1949. This cooperative security will have some of the most integrated and cohesive troops at its disposal in case of any kind of Article 5 emergencies. All of these political and military structures will be backed by the solid TTIP agreement allowing for more uniformity in the trade across the North Atlantic. The Transatlantic Bond in the coming years will be stronger than ever with the ability to combat any form of threats whether it is a nation state, radical political agenda or an economic crisis.

About the author Nathan Turregano is a BA student at the American University in Washington D.C., studying International Relations and Arabic. He is currently a Program Assistant at the Atlantic Treaty Association Secretariat in Brussels, Belgium. He will be studying Intensive Arabic in Amman, Jordan, for the next two collegiate semesters.

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Bibliographies

Organization, N. A. T. (2014). "NATO secretary General Remarks at the conference "Strengthening the Transatlantic Bond"."

Ronald Asmus, S. C., Chris Donnelly, Avis Rovis, Tomas Valasek, Klaus Wittmann (2010). NATO, New Allies and Reassurance. C. F. E. Reform.

Secretary, T. W. H. O. o. t. P. (2014). "European Reassurance Initiative and Other U.S. Efforts in Support of NATO Allies and Partners." from http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-pressoffice/2014/06/03/fact-sheet-europeanreassurance-initiative-and-other-us-effortssupport-.

The Transatlantic Relationship In An Age of Austerity and Change by Philip Chr. Ulrich •

”Dempsey Wants to ’Rebalance the Use of Military Power” http://www.defenseone.com/ideas/2014/05/ dempsey-wants-rebalance-away-use-militaryforce/84271/ Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 2012

International Security Assistance Force: http://www.isaf.nato.int/Operation Ocean Shield: http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/ topics_48815.htm

Olivier de France: Defence budgets: Europe’s Maginot moment?, European Union Institute for Security Studies, March 2014, p. 1

U.S. Department of Defense: Estimated Impacts of Sequestration-Level Funding http:// www.defense.gov/ pubs/2014_Estimated_Impacts_of_Sequestratio n-Level_Funding_April.pdf

U.S. Department of Defense: Quadrennial Defense Review 2014, March 2014

Transatlantic Bond: Strength in Years to Come by Nathan Turregano •

Benitez, J. (2013). "NATO Secretary General: ' I Strongly Support' TTIP."

Commission, E. (2014). "What is the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP)?".

Katinka Barysch, M. H. (2014). "Will TTIP Harm the Global Trading System?" from http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/will-ttipharm-global-trading-system.

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ATA Programs From 4-5 September 2014 the Atlantic Council of the United States, Atlantic Council of the United Kingdom and the Atlantic Treaty Association will host the 2014 Future Leaders Summit on the side-lines of the official NATO Summit in Wales.

Atlantic Voices is the monthly publication of the Atlantic Treaty Association. It aims to inform the debate on key issues that affect the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, its goals and its future. The work published in Atlantic Voices is written by young professionals and researchers. The Atlantic Treaty Association (ATA) is an international nongovernmental organization based in Brussels working to facilitate global networks and the sharing of knowledge on transatlantic cooperation and security. By convening political, diplomatic and military leaders with

The ninth annual Riga Conference will take place on 12 -13 September 2014. The Riga Conference has been honored with the presence of countless heads of state, heads of government, foreign and defense ministers, NATO and EU officials, and ambassadors from all around the world.

academics, media representatives and young professionals, the ATA promotes the values set forth in the North Atlantic Treaty: Democracy, Freedom, Liberty, Peace, Security and Rule of Law. The ATA membership extends to 37 countries from North America to the Caucasus throughout Europe. In 1996, the Youth Atlantic Treaty Association (YATA) was created to specifially include to the successor generation in our work. Since 1954, the ATA has advanced the public’s knowledge and understanding of the importance of joint efforts to transatlantic security through its international programs, such as the Central and South Eastern European Security Forum, the Ukraine Dialogue and its Educational Platform.

The Estonian Atlantic Treaty Association is organizing together with the Latvian Transatlantic Organization, the Friedrich Ebert Foundation and NATO HQ, the fourth annual Baltic-Russia Youth Forum on 19-22 November 2014 in Riga, Latvia.

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activism and greater emphasis on joint research initiatives. These programs will also aid in the establishment of a network of international policy experts and professionals engaged in a dialogue with NATO.

ther enquiries can also be directed to the ATA Secretariat at the address listed below.

Images should not be reproduced without permission from sources listed, and remain the sole property of those sources. Unless otherwise stated, all images are the property of NATO.

The views expressed in this article are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Atlantic Treaty Association, its members, affiliates or staff.

This publication is co co--sponsored by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization


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