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IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED? A review on the socio-spatial integration and empowerment of (arriving) migrants and other disadvantaged groups in urban restructuring plans in the Netherlands

Master Thesis // Saba Golchehr // 1268732 // s.golchehr@student.tudelft.nl // TU Delft


Is integration and empowerment of the excluded needed? A review on the socio-spatial integration and empowerment of (arriving) migrants and other disadvantaged groups in urban restructuring plans in the Netherlands

Master Thesis Saba Golchehr 1268732 s.golchehr@gmail.com Mentor team: Dr. Diego Andres Sepulveda Carmona Ir. John Westrik Members of examination committee: Dr. Tahl Kaminer Dr. Clarine van Oel Graduation studio: Complex Cities

Cover graphic: Made by author - used images by: de Hartogh (1981)

Faculty of Architecture TU Delft Department of Urbanism Delft, June 22nd, 2012

Image Credits: The visual information presented in this document, has been collected from the sources listed below the items. When no source is indicated, the authorship belongs to the author of this thesis.


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Fig. I Photo of guestworker (de Hartogh, 1981)


preface

This is the Master’s Thesis of the graduation project in the department of Urbanism at the Faculty of Architecture at the Technical University Delft. The thesis contains the structure, research, methodology, findings and output of the graduation project and has functioned as a guiding document during the graduation year. The graduation project started out with a research on the theme and location of the project. This mostly took place in the first semester of the graduation track. This research has set out a number of problems which then could be solved by means of research and design. This research has progressed juxtaposed to the design. In this way a final product is formed which is underpinned both theoretically and analytically. I would like to thank my mentors for their support and constructive critics during the development of the thesis. Also I would like to thank all local organizations active in the Afrikaanderwijk, the municipality of Rotterdam, the housing corporation Vestia and Veldacademie for sharing their insightful information that have helped this thesis become accurate and responsive to prevalent events. Delft, June 22nd, 2012


contents

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Research

Proposal

Preface 3 Introduction 5

Motivation Trend Who are the migrants? Concentration in deprived neighbourhoods Governmental response Municipal response

Problem Statement 21

Method 93

Proposed method Principles

Planning framework 101

Aim

23

Relevance 25 Specific context

29

Approach 47 Methodology 51 Theoretical and Analytical framework Beneficial concentration

55

Network city

Human capital

Analysis 69 Network city

Living fields

Daily systems

Current neighbourhood renewal plan Current planning system Proposed planning system

Demonstration project

119

Market Analysis New configuration Stakeholder workgroup Action plan Scenario development

Evaluation 140 Recommendations 151 Literature 157


INTRODUCTION


6 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

The title of this graduation project is: ‘Is integration and Empowerment of the Excluded needed?- A review on the sociospatial integration and empowerment of (arriving) migrants and other disadvantaged groups in urban restructuring plans in the Netherlands’. The migrants in this case are economic migrants. These are the groups that left their country for economic reasons and now live in the Netherlands. These groups mostly consist of the guest-workers that moved to the Netherlands in the 1960s-1970s. These groups are primarily from a Turkish and Moroccan origin. In this project these groups are referred to when the subject of migrants comes up. The choice for these groups will be elaborated later in this thesis. First I will introduce briefly the content of this Master Thesis. In the motivation I explain the reasons for the choice of the theme and the framework of the project. Also in this chapter I will explain the theme and the context of the project. From this I will conclude some problems that my project will be based on. Then follow the aims of the project. Here I address the aforementioned problem statements and the related aims within the graduation project. This is followed by the societal, scientific, ethical and studio relevance. In the methodology I propose how I plan to reach the aforementioned aim and how this research will lead to a proposal. In this chapter I show where the theme of this project lies within these frameworks and how it can add to the existing body of knowledge. In the theoretical and analytical framework these themes are elaborated. After this the project location is analyzed with by the introduced analytical tools. These chapters form the research part of the thesis. This is followed by the proposal part of the the project. In this part the developed method will be handled first. Then a proposal for a new planning framework is introduced. By using these two proposals a demonstration design is developed. After these demonstration projects are eloborated, the evaluation and recommendations to the planning system and proposed instruments follow. Lastly the literature which has been used for this Master’s Thesis can be found in the last chapter.


source: http://peoplemov.in

motivation

Fig. 1.1 Migrationflow to the Netherlands (www. peoplemov.in)

The motivation for the theme stems from a personal opinion about the migrant issue and the multicultural society. In the year 2015 half of the citizens of the four major cities in the Netherlands (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht and The Hague) will be migrants (Scheffer, 2000). And like in many of the Western countries, multicultural coexistence is a fact of life (Melich, 2010). In the Netherlands planners are not taking these facts into their consideration sufficiently yet. We can mostly see this in the restructuring plans for deprived neighbourhoods. The Dutch government, major cities and housing corporations invest billions of euro’s in the physical transformation of these neighbourhoods through a mixing policy. This mixing is not only an issue of mixing low- and middle-income households, but also an endeavour to mix people inter ethnically. However in this mixing policy the role of ethnicity and ethnic differences are not discussed (Smets and den Uyl, 2008). I will handle this topic more in depth later in this thesis. The motivation for focusing on the public space both comes from a personal interest as well as the relevance of these spaces for cities and societies. ‘Space and society are clearly related: it is difficult to conceive of ‘space’ without social content and, equally, to conceive of society without a spatial component’ (Carmona et al., 2003). So public spaces are not mere physical open spaces, but places where the values of the community are reflected through social life (Janches, 2011). Also in the public space is where the resilience of space should be found. This topic will be discussed to more extent later in the thesis. The motivation for this projects approach origins in the idea of the direction we should head in the field of urbanism. For this project I will be looking at deprived neighbourhoods in the Netherlands. The current plans for the renewal of these neighbourhoods are mostly one-sided and lack of understanding the social dynamics in these neighbourhoods. With this project I would like to propose a new way of approaching these neighbourhoods through planning, which is not unilateral (as it is at the moment: this will be explained in the problem statement), but tackles the problems in a more integrated manner, with a recognition of migration as a constant factor in the future. This approach will be handled more in detail in the next chapters.


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1. 2. 3. 4.

1. USA 2. Russia 3. Germany 4. Saudi Arabia

3.15%

MEXICO INDIA RUSSIA CHINA


1. 2. 3. 4.

TURKEY SURINAME MOROCCO INDONESIA

trend

Growing number of migrants

10.44%

In the year 2025 11,000 more people will be coming to the Netherlands than leaving, according to current national prognosis of the Central Bureau of Statistics (van den Broek et al., 2008). Population growth will be entirely due to immigrants. On January 1st 2007 the Netherlands retained 1,7 million nonWestern immigrants, mainly from Turkey, Morocco, Suriname, the Netherlands Antilles and Aruba. By 2025 this number will increase to 2,2 million, their share of the population will increase from 11 to 13 percent. Most of the non-Western immigrants lived in the Randstad in 2007. The highest concentrations were found in the cities Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague where one in three people were from non-Western origin. It is very likely that the migration pressure will remain high in the Netherlands, as in other West-European states, in the future (WWR, 2001). As differences in economic circumstances between the rich West, and other developing countries in Africa and Asia are very large and remain high in the foreseeable future, expectations are justified that the migration pressure from these regions to the European Union will also remain high (van Nimwegen and Esveldt, 2006).

Fig. 1.2 Infographic showing percentage of migrants in the world and in the Netherlands and their countries of origin

According to the forecast of the CBS, the number of migrants who come to the Netherlands will increase as a result of the migration pressure. These forecasts of size and composition of the future migration to the Netherlands are based on the extrapolation of current trends which in turn are based on assumptions of the expected migration processes of different population and developments in the Netherlands (WWR, 2001). Also the CBS expects that from the year 2015 the migration to the Netherlands will stabilize at an average of about 125,000 people per year. From these facts we can conclude that the inflow of migrants will be a constant factor in the future of the Netherlands. In the next paragraphs I will discuss the spatial consequences of this migration trend in the Netherlands.


Fig. 1.3 Photo of economic migrants (de Hartogh, 1981)

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who are the migrants?

I define migrants as people who live, work and reside in a country other than that in which they were born. There are however several different reasons that cause migration. Formerly migration mostly occurred out of necessity, for political or religious reasons. But in the last few decades the motives have been shifting more towards economic and social ones. In this groups there is again a distinguishing between forced migration (due to unemployment and poverty) and voluntary migration (career-driven). These different groups can be categorized into several kinds of migrant communities. There are twenty different kinds of migrant communities all together. There is however not enough available data to make a clear numerical distinction of these groups. Therefore in this study I will distinguish three groups of migrants, which are based on the study of Boelens (2009). According to Boelens these three groups are: the classic form of diasporic communities (a), the immigrant workers (b) and the expatriates (c). I will clarify these groups more in depth: a. these groups were forced out of their country of origin due to political or religious reasons. After leaving their country they often regroup in the new country of residence (at least initially). An example of these groups in the Netherlands are the Malaccans. b. the immigrant workers originate mostly from countries as China, Ireland, Morocco, Turkey and so on. These groups were expected to return to their country of origin after the ending of their working life. While some of them did return, a large amount never did. Some still plan to return, while others assume that they might never go back. In these groups Boelens talks about a ‘diversified dual relationship’. c. the last group has developed over the last years a multiple, global relationship with all kind of cultures rather than a bilateral one. Temporary residence has developed as a way of life for these groups. The distinction of these groups brings forward different lifestyles belonging to these groups. While the political/religious refugees (group a) have set roots in the new country of residence, the expatriates have a different form of relationship with the host country. Both groups though live in a certain set community,

whether it is in the form of regrouping (a.) or by adapting a transnational relationship in a temporary manner (c.). For these groups their role in the host country is clear: either it is their new and permanent country of residence (a.), which states that they will in future be part of the host countries society, or it is a temporary country of residence (c.), in which the transnationalism is cultivated in ‘a somewhat ‘zap’-like behaviour’ (Boelens, 2009). However in the group of the immigrant workers there is no sense of belonging in the host country, due to the expectations of returning after the working period. This creates that these groups are un-grounded in a way. This latter group is the group of migrants which I focus my research on. Moreover whenever I write about migrants or migrant groups from here on I will be referring to these migrants (b.) exclusively. This group is most interesting to me because of the lack of strong ties with the new country of residency. Most problems of integration in the Netherlands are also found within these groups, these are some reasons that make this group of migrants an interesting study case in my project. This project will focus on proposing a system for a progressive integration and emancipation of these groups into the mainstream society.


<5 <5

5 - 7.5 5 - 7.5

7.5 - 10 7.5 - 10

10 - 12.5 10 - 12.5

> 12.5 > 12.5

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ethnic concentration Fig. 1.4 Growth and concentration of non-Western migrants in the Netherlands in 2007 and 2025 (van den Broek et al., 2008)

Ethnic concentration As we saw before the largest groups of migrants are very strongly concentrated in the big cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht. In 1992, 57 percent of Surinamese, 48 percent of Moroccans, 37 percent of Turks and 31 percent of Antilleans lived in these cities. The existing concentrations of migrants are strengthened through new migrants which are strongly directed to the big cities. In 1997, 63 percent of Surinamese migrants, 53 percent of Moroccan migrants, 45 percent of Turkish migrants and 41 percent of Antillean migrants arrived in the four big cities. Thus the orientation of new migrants in the four big cities is higher than that of the ethnic minority groups already living there (Bolt et al., 2002).

Areas of concentration Migrants constitute a large (and growing) part of the urban population in the Netherlands as I showed before. A large number of these migrants live in post-war neighbourhoods (van Bruggen, 2000). The main cause of this is the housing offer in these neighbourhoods. A great number of the houses in these postwar neighbourhoods are in the social rent sector, which is by far the main housing provider for new migrants and also for their offspring (Lindner, 2002). Post-war housing estates have drawn a lot of attention since the late eighties because of the problems in many of these neighbourhoods such as poor quality housing, decay of the living environment and social problems. But not only the post-war housing areas are the areas that are facing concentration of the migrant population. In the 1990s the Dutch government realised that increasingly fewer households were able to pursue their housing careers within their own neighbourhood. This particularly took place in the residential areas with an overrepresentation of affordable (social) rent housing. These were noticeably areas that were originally built in the second half of the nineteenth century, the first half of the twentieth century and the aforementioned early post-war period (1945-1960). The amount of owner occupied housing in these areas was very limited and the quality of the housing stock was quite poor. This low quality and homogeneous housing stock led to an acceleration of the departure of the well-to-do households. Subsequently their place was taken over by low-income households in many cases. With this the socio-economic profile of the residents in these areas became increasingly homogeneous over time (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003).


Fig. 1.5 Diagram showing expected effects of governmental mixing policy

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governmental response Urban restructuring of the 1970s & 1980s In the previous chapter I introduced the concentration of socioeconomic weak groups in the areas that have a high number of social rent housing. This increasing concentration of low-income households in these areas were however not unexpected. Actually this concentration was caused by the basic philosophy of urban renewal in the 1970s and early 1980s. The principle idea under the title ‘building for the neighbourhood’ was that inhabitants of demolished housing had the right to be re-housed in the same neighbourhood. The aim of this policy was to stabilise the social structure of these neighbourhoods. As an effect of the renewal low-income households were particularly inclined to stay, due to the generally inexpensive new dwellings (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). This urban renewal policy created the conditions for the current ethnic concentration in these neighbourhoods.

Dutch housing policy 1997: physical mixing of housing stock Now in many of these neighbourhoods part of the solution to the concentration is again sought in restructuring projects (van Bruggen, 2000). In 1997 the Memorandum on Urban Renewal (Nota Stedelijke Vernieuwing) was brought out to bring an end to the undesired development of concentration. This time the objective was to achieve a mixed population, in contrast to the urban renewal of the 1970s and early 1980s. The aim of the new urban policy (Ministerie van VROM, 1997) is to create vital cities. By reducing unemployment, increasing the liveability, public safety and entrepreneurship in the weakest neighbourhoods of the cities, social and economic vitality of the city should be increased. This ‘Big Cities Policy’ aims specifically at the restructuring of the physical environment with its urban restructuring policy. Extending the choice opportunities of the city’s population can be pointed out as the main aim of the policy. It also makes it possible that all residential environments are accessible for potential residents. The most important mean to achieve this was considered to be the break-up of the monotonous housing stock in the neighbourhoods that was characterised by an over-representation of low-priced rent housing, where most of the housing belongs to the social rent. This physical intervention, the replacement of the old housing stock by new buildings of a higher price class, would retain and attract residents of the middle and higher income house-holds, counteract spatial segregation (of income-groups,

but not in terms of ethnicity), and enhance the quality of living in residential areas. The reason for this distinguishing between ethnicity and income is due to a longer discussion of several political parties about de-concentration of ethnic minorities. A discussion about forced de-concentration took place in the 1970s, which was followed by the selective migration policy of Rotterdam. Most likely the Ministry did not want to start this discussion anew and therefore focused its policy on the mix of incomes instead of ethnicity (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). The vision behind the current restructuring plans is the assumption that districts become viable when there is a differentiation according to income. So, as I stated before, the policy makers believe that an intervention in the housing stock will bring about societal effects. This physical mix is expected to improve the spatial quality of the neighbourhood concerned. But also it will create a more diverse population distribution on socio-economic levels (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). The policy makers believe that a differentiation of income groups should contribute positively to the social quality of the neighbourhood, it would bring an end to the segregation of incomes and enhance the quality of living. It is assumed that in this context the restructuring will create more possibilities for the societal deprived residents. Also an increase in the social integration is hoped for, because of the arrival of the new residents which could function as positive role models for the deprived residents. By adapting to the lifestyles of these new residents, the weaker residents are expected to integrate into mainstream society. Another goal of the policy is to improve the competitive position of the neighbourhood on the housing market. This diversity in the housing offer will be mostly beneficial for the housing corporation, for they will be able to sell private housing and high rent apartments at higher prices than their current housing offer. Also differentiation is considered to facilitate a housing career within the neighbourhood, and will create chances for high income groups coming from elsewhere. In the broader vision it is aimed at bringing more support to the local services and facilities through the extra purchasing power of the new residents. In this way they propose an economic advantage for the area by restructuring. In summary, the aim of the policy is to create a mixture of different income-groups, by constructing owner-occupied houses in neighbourhoods with mainly social housing. It is generally expected that this physical housing mix will lead to social mixing of the neighbourhoods inhabitants. Additionally the idea is that social mixing will not only create social cohesion, safety and liveability, but will also contribute to the social capital of local residents.


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Urban renewal policy review Mixing policies are widespread in the US and in Western Europe. The aim of these policies is to differentiate the various

income-groups in deprived neighbourhoods. By a physical mix, the construction of housing for higher incomes, middle class residents are encouraged to settle in these neighbourhoods (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). As a consequence of this, the low-income-groups are circumscribed (Smets and den Uyl, 2008). This new composition of the population is assumed to lead to an improved quality of life in the deprived neighbourhoods. In the Netherlands the housing policy of 1997 shares these ideas. The physical mix of the policy is expected to improve the spatial quality of the neighbourhood concerned. But also it will create a more diverse population distribution on socio-economic levels (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). In a study on two neighbourhoods in Amsterdam that underwent transformations according to this mixing policy Smets and den Uyl (2008) researched the effects of this policy. This study shows that the intended goals of the policy are not achieved. There is no mix of different socio-economic groups on the neighbourhood level. According to Smets and den Uyl (2008: p.1456) the planners have â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;underestimated the complexity, potential and force of interethnic dynamicsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. In their research on two urban renewal plans in the Netherlands and the effect on the neighbourhood level, they found that the urban restructuring strategies do not achieve the desired results. The planners hoped that the social mix would automatically occur when there would be a physical mix. This is however not the case, for the complexity of the role of ethnicity is highly underestimated. Furthermore the tendency of policy-makers to counter urban segregation, and its negative consequences, by employing mixing schemes lacks of scientific support for the planning strategies. The migrant issue is a great force of transformation of the urban context. However in the regeneration process of these neighbourhoods this issue is not being addressed. It would be obvious that in the restructuring process attention should be paid to the needs of current and future residents. Yet this is often not the case (van Bruggen, 2000).


municipal response Rotterdam-South has a large accumulation of socio-economic problems in the weakest part of the housing market in the Netherlands. This accumulation of problems is unprecedented in size and intensity in the Dutch scale (Deetman/Mans, 2011). The prognosis of the Centre for Research and Statistics (Centrum voor Onderzoek en Statistiek) that in the near future half of the population in Rotterdam would be from a non-Western origin lead to a certain amount of panic within its municipality (van der Laan Bouma-Doff and Ouwehand, 2006). The reaction of the government to this was to implement a law controlling the establishment of low income groups into certain areas (‘Wet Bijzondere maatregelen grootstedelijke problematiek’). In a topdown vision the city of Rotterdam together with the national government (het Rijk) developed a selective residency policy that allows (income) demands for people outside the Rotterdam region who are searching housing in the city (Ministerie van Justitie, 2005). This law was implemented in July 1st 2006. With this approach the municipality tries to carry out a local immigration policy (Musterd and Ostendorf, 2009). This policy only counts for the newcomers which have not, are have less than six years, lived in the city region (Rotterdamwet mist doel, 2010). Normally a city functions as an ‘emancipation-machine’ (Bol and Langen, 2006: p.6). However if the inflow, the through-flow and the outflow are structurally out of balance, people are sentenced to live in the same area more or less forever. If then the negative consequences of this then are concentrated in certain areas, districts or neighbourhoods, we speak of an ‘accumulation of problems’ or ‘neighbourhoods in need’. According to many the city of Rotterdam finds itself in such a situation of imbalance. One of the arguments for implementing this ‘Rotterdamwet’ was to fight against the spatial concentration of disadvantaged residents, based on fear of neighbourhood effects. Researchers have however shown that the effects of the neighbourhood are not remarkably big and that individual features are far more important (van der Laan Bouma-Doff and Ouwehand, 2006). Moreover the policy imposes an implicit connection between income on the one hand and safety and social structure on the other hand. Now studies have proven that there is no connection between the two, so the policy is ineffective in this matter (Rotterdamwet mist doel, 2010).

Regulating the influx of the “underprivileged” by restricting them in housing areas is not the right solution. It is an unorthodox way of Rotterdam to influence the composition of its citizens (Bol and Langen, 2006). Also two of the twelve indicators (van der Laan Bouma-Doff and Ouwehand, 2006) which were used to choose the neighbourhoods that should have restrictions, are based on the ethnical composition of the area. These indicators are: the number of non-Western migrants; and the amount of new migrants that arrived less than two years ago. With these two indicators the municipality makes a generalization of migrants and underprivileged people. This generalization is very stigmatizing, for the ethnicity of residents is seen as a reason for the decay of the neighbourhood.


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Fig. 1.6 Map showing the mobility of the old and new receiving areas. The grey areas are the new receiving towns, the black outlined areas are the old receiving areas

Train station (r=1000 m)

Railway Metro track

Subway station (r=400 m)

Bus lines

Tram stop (r=200 m) Bus stop (r=100 m)

1000 m


Long term effects As a result of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Rotterdamwetâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; it is expected that each year 300 home seekers cannot enter these areas in the city. This means that each year 300 households are moved to the region (Bol and Langen, 2006). The smaller cities Capelle aan de Ijssel, Spijkenisse, Rozenburg, Hellevoetsluis and Ridderkerk now have to receive these groups. The new policy instructs them to have a minimum of forty percent social rent housing in their housing stock (Hoogstad, 2007). Now socio-economic weak groups cannot access housing in the city (central areas) where there is a high mobility and possibilities as access to jobs and facilities, which are essential for an integration and emancipation in mainstream society. The policy moves these groups to other (middle and smaller sized) towns in the region, where there are a lot less possibilities like the access to jobs and where their mobility is low (for they are mostly dependant of public transport). The underprivileged people cannot move up the societal ladder (in terms of work, housing, contacts, etc.) in this way due to the lack of possibilities. This policy moves them into a downward spiral where the possibilities to get out of this situation are too limited. So the policy only shifts the problem towards other towns, which will in time face the same problems as the cities that are not accepting the migrants. This is a result of the lack of understanding the importance of location and of integration. There is a need for a long term solution which copes with the influx of migrants in the cities which responds to the social and spatial needs of these groups.

Capelle aan de IJssel

Rozenburg

Tarwewijk - 2006

Carnisse - 2006

Hillesluis - 2006 Bloemhof - 2010 Ridderkerk

Hellevoetsluis

Fig. 1.7 Diagram showing the amount of employement found within the new receiving towns (Stadsvisie Hellevoetsluis 2030, 2011)

Municipality of employment

Spijkenisse

Municipality of residence

Source: Stadsvisie Hellevoetsluis 2030, 2011


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Fig. 1.8 Scheme emphasizing that arriving migrants will find themselves in a downward spiral, when arriving in these new reveiving areas


PROBLEM STATEMENT


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In the previous chapter I introduced the ongoing trend of migration and its socio-spatial effects. With the focus on this increasing migration in the Netherlands I looked at the governmental and municipal response. Now I will conclude these findings in a problem statement for this project. First in order to recapitulate, I will reflect on the previous findings. We saw that the national response to the effects of migration is to apply mixing schemes in neighbourhoods of ethnical concentration. The effect the policy makers hoped for, that is a social mix of the different communities, however does not occur. Next to this there is the municipal response of a selective migration policy, that does not allow new migrants to find housing within the

National response (government): applying mixing schemes in neighbourhoods of concentration in order to create a social mix on the local level (this does however not occur)

city borders. This policy will put the new migrants in a downwards spiral in which they will be further away from integration into mainstream society. Also this policy will lead to more and more decay of the new receiving cities and areas in the region. So we can conclude that at the moment there is a dichotomy between the regional level of decision making, and the local level where the effects of these decisions become visible. Resulting from this, the problem statement of this project is: Migration is a key factor of transformation (of the local scale) which is not considered in urban renewal planning.

Regional/municipal response: â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Rotterdamwetâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; = no receiving new migrants in city leads to more and more decay of new receiving cities (at the local level)

Dichotomy between:

Regional level (decision making)

dichotomy

Fig. 2.1 Diagram showing the national governmental and municipal response to the increasing migration and ethnic concentration and the dichotomy between these policies and the local effects


AIM


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‘Democratic impatience focuses on ‘the lack of process’, and is a product of genuine concern as well as fear of crisis and disintegration. In the Netherlands it is expressed in a continuous, sometimes passionate debate on immigration and integration and related policies. The absence of a long-term vision can lead to disappointment, and exaggerated pessimism can create and atmosphere that negatively influences the process of integration’(Vermeulen and Penninx, 2000: p.3). The statement above describes how the process of integration is negatively influenced by the lack of a long-term vision in the Netherlands. Furthermore, in the problem statement I described the lack of considering the migrants in the process of the urban renewal planning of neighbourhoods with an ethnic concentration. In order to create a long term vision for the deprived neighbourhoods, the migrants need to be taken into consideration in the urban renewal planning of these areas. This new renewal planning system should aim for a progressive integration of the arriving and existing migrants in these neighbourhoods, so that a long-term vision for the process of integration can be developed in the Netherlands. So the aims of this project are: - to redefine the importance of the factor of migration in the urban renewal planning system on a national level; and - to define a planning framework in order to be able to receive and integrate new and existing migrants socially and spatially in (the development of) the neighbourhood by applying a new proposed method. The next chapter will describe the societal, scientific, ethical and studio relevance of this theme and project. Later in this thesis the approach and the methodology in order to reach these aims are handled.


RELEVANCE


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Scientific relevance

Societal relevance

The Netherlands is a society which has a wide range of different cultures among its citizens. Like a growing number of other (European) countries, we live in a multicultural society. The growth in diversity of cultures has had a lot of effects, not only socially but also spatially. The different cultures in the Netherlands bring their own habits with them from their country of origin (van Dorst, 2008). We can also see these differences in habits in the use of the public space.

From the year 2000 the debate about integration and migration has hardened. This has led to an extreme attitude change towards the migrant. A solid approach was introduced with far-reaching obligations in terms of integration, as the coalition of the parties CDA and VVD shows. Culture and religion are interpreted as causes for violation and isolation of women from Islamic countries (Ghorashi, 2010). We take the example of Muslim women. The image that is created around them, that they are mostly suppressed and isolated, is quite stigmatizing. It sharpens the separation between us and them.

Socio-spatial integration is necessary because in a great number of (post-war) neighbourhoods in cities like Amsterdam, The Hague and Rotterdam, there is a high degree of social segregation of the inhabitants. The neighbourhood should be a domain where citizens of different backgrounds get to know each other, and learn how to interact with the ‘other’ (Janches, 2011). Social or ethnical segregation deprives the citizen of these opportunities. The literature of Peter Marcuse (1998) shows that a lot of the sociological research about segregation is determined by the stereotype of the ‘American ghetto’. This negative image is also found in the debate on segregation and integration in the Netherlands. In this debate about the spatial segregation, the fear of certain cultural groups lacking behind plays the leading role. In the Netherlands we are too much focused on finding the insufficiencies of these groups, which leads to the bias perspective of lifting the differences being the right solution (Lindner, 2002). Instead what we should be looking at is how we can create possibilities that enhance the social integration of these groups. One way to enhance this social integration is through public space. Leisure in public space is of great importance for social integration, because integration demands a certain amount of respect which can only be gained if one has knowledge of the behaviour of others (Jókovi, 2001). By creating a platform where this interaction can take place, a possibility is created for an informal integration. But to create this platform, we need an understanding of the spatial demands on these places have which are needed to attract different cultural groups. In order to find a new strategy for urban renewal projects of deprived neighbourhoods, we need to focus on the ‘specificity of place’ (Janches, 2011). Social circumstances and conflicts in the project area can be common on the national or even global level. The proposals for these projects should however be specific to the area.

The Dutch policy of recent decades has inadvertently led to marginalization, and the labeling of migrant women as problem cases. They are not regarded as individuals who in spite of the dependence of their abilities try everything in their power to increase their freedom of movement. Something that emerges clearly from the research of Ghorashi (2010) is that the current context of the Netherlands, especially with its negative stigmas, forms a rather limiting role in their fight for more space of development. Therefore it is time for a policy that recognizes diversity. This requires space for a broad approach for talent and quality, which is ‘diversity-inclusive’. This will take the place of the current fixation on cultural differences and deprivation. As stated the current coalition is based on an old-fashioned image of diversity policies. A diversity and preferences policy is deemed unnecessary because the selection ought to be focused only on quality. This is a simplistic view that goes against the conclusions of the most relevant international studies. This diversity-blind approach enables quality as a neutral term, when this is certainly not the case. Many studies show exactly how a quality assessments is formed through visible or less visible bias. The most important evidence of the effect of such bias is the current homogeneous composition of most organizations and companies. This bias is constantly fed by the dominant thinking in society. The government carries the task to ensure that individuals, whatever their cultural background, gain sufficient opportunities and recognition for their efforts. This calls for a diversity policy, giving individuals the proper recognition for what they do and who they are. A government without a diversity sensitive mindset cannot meet this new challenge. It only strengthens the existing ‘us vs. them’-way of thinking, which augments the fragmentation in society.


Ethical relevance The subject of migration which is handled in this project is also a relevant ethical issue. This because migration is a human right which is not perceived in this way in the legal system. This right allows people to make important personal decisions and engage in politics without state restriction on accessible options for them. The right of immigration is rather a moral than a legal right. This because there is currently no legal human right documented that includes the human right to immigrate. But why should immigration be perceived as a human right? People have an overall interest in being free to access the full range of existing life options when they make important personal decisions (Oberman, 2010). These life options include: religion, family, friends and other associations, jobs, expressive opportunities and marriage partners. If the domestic freedom of movement is restricted, it means that the range of life options that can be accessed are also constrained. This means that when a country or state bans a person from entering it, this person is excluded from accessing almost all life options that exist within it. So no visiting friends or family, no attending an educational facility, and so on. I introduced the human right to domestic freedom of movement. Although this right protects our interest in freedom to access the full range of life options, it however lacks to protect us in terms of life options that exist beyond the borders of our country or state. In other words, if our freedom to access the full range of life options is to be fully protected, then we should inherit the human right to immigrate (Oberman, 2010).

Studio relevance The importance of this project within the studio approach of Complex Cities lies in the recognition of the importance of the planning processes into the spatial conformation of the city. In this project I move from a normative dimension (which is the major influence on the transformation) to a analytical dimension to a design (which is the active dynamic platform in which the changes of the use are shaped).

Fig. 3.1 Infographic illustrating whether or not the Danes think its ethical to wear religious symbols in public professions (www. peterorntoft.com)


Fig. 3.2 Photo of arriving migrants in the Netherlands (de Hartogh, 1981)

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

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SPECIFIC CONTEXT


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

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Rotterdam On March 22nd 2007 Minister Vogelaar of the Ministry of Living, Neighbourhoods and Integration (Wonen, Wijken en Integratie) announced a list of forty problem neighbourhoods in the Netherlands. In this list seven of these neighbourhoods are located in Rotterdam. That is the highest concentration of problem neighbourhoods compared to the rest of the cities in the Netherlands.

Fig. 4.1 Fourty problem neighbourhoods in the Netherlands (KEI - kenniscentrum stedelijke vernieuwing, 2007)

Furthermore in February 2009 a list of the top twenty problem neighbourhoods by VROM (Ministry of Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment) was published. Among these neighbourhoods eight of them are located in Rotterdam. Compared to other cities, two in Amsterdam, two in Utrecht, two in The Hague and one in various other cities, this is a dramatic number. One-third of the inhabitants of Rotterdam is living in one of the problem neighbourhoods of the city.

Fig. 4.2 Problem neighbourhoods in Rotterdam (KEI - kenniscentrum stedelijke vernieuwing, 2007)

0m

1000m


Historic migration process in Rotterdam (South) The origin of Rotterdam-South is connected to the development of the harbour of Rotterdam in the end of the nineteenth century. With this also came the economic activity which attracted a lot of labour. In a very short period neighbourhoods were built with low priced housing where the dock workers could live. After the World War II the harbour was reconstructed first. There was a high demand for housing. These were built in the new and independent garden cities Pendrecht, Lombardijen, Zuidwijk and IJsselmonde. In the 1960s and 1970s there was a big inflow of migrants from Southern countries (guest workers) that came to the harbour to do the work that the Dutch workers had rejected. These workers settled en masse in Rotterdam-South. At the moment about fifty percent of the inhabitants of the sub-municipalities Feijenoord and Charlois are from a non-Western origin. Parallel to these developments two other developments became visible. In the 1980s the harbour activities were shifting towards the West, which caused the employment in the harbours of South to decline. Due to the new technical advances in the harbour industry, nowadays the port is no longer the major employer in the South. These developments over time are a cause for the low employment numbers in Rotterdam-South nowadays. The guest workers who came here for the work in the harbour were low- or even unschooled. With the decline of the jobs in the harbour a lot of these workers lost their jobs. They were not able to adapt to the new demands in the job market, which was now more oriented on higher education. This shift resulted in the unemployment of these groups.

Weakest neighbourhoods in Rotterdam In order to zoom in on a neighbourhood scale for a depth analysis of the deprived post-war neighbourhoods, an area needs to be chosen which will be able to represent the generic problems of the problem areas. To be able to choose this representative neighbourhood we will take a look at several factors which are important for the choice of the area. First an area with a high number of ethnic inhabitants would be the best study case in order to be able to develop a vision for a progressive integration and an emancipation of the migrant population. Second, a neighbourhood is sought in which there is an accumulation of socio-economic weak residents. So preferable it should be an area where the average income levels are low in comparison with the Rotterdam standard income values. This is

important because the planning approach I want to propose will be in order to incorporate the socio-economic weakest groups in the neighbourhood developments. Lastly the neighbourhood is preferred to be one of the deprived neighbourhoods in Rotterdam, so that it can be a representation of a new way to cope with the problems that all these deprived areas share. Fig. 4.3 Concentration of nonWestern migrants in Rotterdam (www.nrc.nl)

Fig. 4.4 Level of income in Rotterdam (www.nrc.nl)


32 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

For this search I compared the weakest neighbourhoods with help of a research of the trends in Rotterdam (Spierings and Meeuwisse, 2010). Together with this comparison I also looked deeper into the specifics of the area, and chose the location Afrikaanderwijk, which according to this comparison is one of the weakest neighbourhoods in Rotterdam. The diagrams on the next pages show this comparison of the weakest neighbourhoods in Rotterdam. The measured indicators exist of the income level, the safety, the housing value and the social index. This last indicator, the social quality of a neighbourhood, is a complex concept that is difficult to measure. In order to be able to indicate the social condition of a city and its neighbourhoods, the municipality of Rotterdam together with the institute RIGO Research and Advice BV developed a number of criteria. It was decided that the social climate can be divided into four aspects: 1. capacity of the inhabitants; 2. the quality of the living environment; 3. the level of participation of the inhabitants; and 4. the social ties of the residents with their neighbourhood. The social index is the sum of these four aspects (Sociale Index Rotterdam 2012 [Online]. 2012.).

Fig. 4.5 Livability Rotterdam (Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken, 2011)


0m

1000m


34 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

1. Carnisse I = Income V = Safety W = Housing value S = Social index

7

5

6 4 1

2

2. Tarwewijk

3. Bloemhof I = Income V = Safety W = Housing value S = Social index

Fig. 4.6 Problem neighbourhoods in Rotterdam (Waaier van wijken, 2010)

3

I = Income V = Safety W = Housing value S = Social index


4. Afrikaanderwijk

5. Feijenoord I = Income V = Safety W = Housing value S = Social index

6. Bospolder

I = Income V = Safety W = Housing value S = Social index

7. Agniesebuurt I = Income V = Safety W = Housing value S = Social index

I = Income V = Safety W = Housing value S = Social index

Source: Waaier van wijken 2010; trends in Rottedam


36 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

The maps on this page show the vulnerability of the housing stock and the construction periods of the buildings in Rotterdam. The first map shows a high number of vulnerable housing in the Afrikaanderwijk. Other neighbourhoods in the South of Rotterdam share this situation. The neighbourhoods south of the Afrikaanderwijk, which are also deprived areas, have a common housing situation in terms of vulnerability. Therefore the Afrikaanderwijk can function as a representative neighbourhood in this theme. On the second map the construction periods of the built environment are indicated. Though Afrikaanderwijk is a pre-war neighbourhood in its origin, we see a lot of building periods from after the war in this area. The reason for this are the two urban renewal periods in the 1960s and 1980s in which a lot of the original building stock has been demolished. Afrikaanderwijk has been one of the areas in which these periods are clearly visible. Over the years the buildings have been renewed and modified so often that no street image is left unbroken (Bet et al., 2008).

Family housing per block (with a minimum of 10 dwellings)

binnenwerk - lappendeken - ruimtebeeld en ontwerpopgave

Fig. 4.7 Map of Afrikaanderwijk: The map is based on the complex list of information Vestia Feyenoord. Each color represents a different â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Complexâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; or family buildings (Bet et al., 2008)

Fig. 4.8 Vulnerability housing stock Rotterdam (COS, 2009) Construction periods

71

0m

250m

Fig. 4.9 Construction periods of buildings in Rotterdam (COS, 2009)


Housing

Ownership situation municipality/ corporation private rent resident owner 1 dwelling 2-9 dwellings 10-99 dwellings > 99 dwellings

Like in most other problem areas in the Netherlands, the Afrikaanderwijk has a very high percentage of social rent housing. From the 3,743 homes, 85 percent is in the social rent sector. Only 7 percent is private rented housing, and 8 percent is owneroccupied. The Afrikaanderwijk has one of the highest housing densities in the South of Rotterdam: 79.6 dwelling per hectare, of which 52 percent was built before the war. However the majority of these houses were renovated during urban renewal period. This period (1970s â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 1990s) also left its traces in the high percentage of new housing: 32 percent of dwellings in the Afrikaanderwijk date from the period 1969 to 1993.

Afrikaanderwijk as paradigm for Rotterdam Afrikaanderwijk is one of the areas which fall under the problem neighbourhood category. Also the number of migrants living in this district is quite high. Comparing the statistics of Afrikaanderwijk with those of Rotterdam-South and Rotterdam, we see that classical demographic, economic and ethnic characteristics of the city are augmented in the Afrikaanderwijk. Rotterdam has a population in which 45 percent are from non-Western origin. Of this percentage 8 percent originate from Turkey. The Afrikaanderwijk has 84 percent migrants, out of which 34 percent have a Turkish background (Dorman et al., 2007).

Fig. 4.10 Ownership situation of dwellings in Rotterdam (COS, 2009)

more than 70% corporation ownership

private ownership rent corporation private rent

private ownership rent corporation private rent

private ownership rent corporation private rent

private ownership rent corporation private rent private ownership rent corporation private rent

private ownership rent corporation private rent private ownership rent corporation private rent

private ownership rent corporation private rent

private ownership rent corporation private rent

Fig. 4.11 Percentage of rent and owner-occupied housing in sub-municipality Feijenoord (Dorman et al., 2007)

The Afrikaanderwijk developed around 1900 as a working class neighbourhood, due to the growth of the harbour in the South of Rotterdam. It was one of the first districts in the Netherlands where a majority of the inhabitants were from a non-Western origin. In the seventies migrants from Turkey, Morocco and Southern-Europe were accommodated here as guest workers to do the heavy work in the harbours. Secondly also the physical location of the Afrikaanderwijk within the context of Rotterdam-South makes it an interesting studyarea. In the time of the initial renewal plans from the 1970s the district was located in the middle of an industrial port area. Now the district lies between the southern and working-class districts of Rotterdam and the richer residential areas of Feijenoord (initiated by the development of the Kop van Zuid, the Wilhelminapier and the Erasmus bridge). This has resulted in a sharp contrast between a prosperous, metropolitan and residential area and a much poorer working class area (Dorman et al., 2007).


38 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Thirdly not only in the Afrikaanderwijk, but in the whole of Rotterdam-South there are numerous projects, initiatives and plans to tackle the current problems. A lot of these plans are on a social, spatial and economic level. These plans come from various sources, ranging from private to public, nationwide to sub-municipal and short termed to very long termed plans. The two most striking initiatives are the forty problem neighbourhoods of the government policy and the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Pact op Zuidâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, a partnership between various investing and managing parties in the south and the municipal services (Dorman et al., 2007). The Afrikaanderwijk, which has been the object of ambitious revitalization and renewal

projects for several decades, is now in the middle of a new wave of projects and developments which aim to improve the neighbourhood. All these features make the Afrikaanderwijk an interesting location to focus my research and design project on. Currently the spatial configuration and the planning framework does not respond to the majority of the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. In order to review the long-term vision for this area we will now take a closer look at the future plans for this area.

Fig. 4.12 Demographics Rotterdam (left) and Afrikaanderwijk (right) (Dorman et al., 2007)

ethnic population indigenous population 9% Surinamese 3% Antillian 3% Cape Verdian 8% Turkish 6% Moroccan 17% Other 55% Indigenous

9% Surinamese 3% Antillian 3% Cape Verdian 8% Turkish 6% Moroccan 17% Other 55% Indigenous

Fig. 4.13 Percentage of migrants and their ethnic origin (Dorman et al., 2007)


Future of the area

Like in many other cases of mixing policies, there is a lack of an understanding of the social effects this plan will have for the Afrikaanderwijk. Looking at other neighbourhoods in the Netherlands where mixing policies are implemented, we should prepare for social segregation within the neighbourhood (Smets, 2006). In order to prevent the neighbourhood of having a dual society expression, with the low-income groups and their facilities on the one hand, and the new high-income groups with their own facilities on the other, the subject of social segregation and mixing people on a local scale should be further investigated. In the theoretical framework this topic is researched. In a later chapter about the planning framework, the Parkstad plan and its current and future developments will be discussed more elaborately.

There are a number of plans concerning urban renewal and new built areas in the South of Rotterdam. One of the largest future developments is the plan of Parkstad. This plan aims to develop new appartment blocks for higher and middle incomes on an empty piece of land where old train tracks used to run. Next to this new development, the housing corporation Vestia aims to restructure a part of the existing housing stock in the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk. This Parkstad area will be a green residential area that will contain 1300 new dwellings. Also new facilities will be built, like a Havo/ VWO school, a XL supermarket (Albert Heijn), and more similar facilities for the new inhabitants. With this plan the municipality wants to attract new inhabitants, of a higher income group, to this area.

Financing category Luxurious More luxurious than normal Normal and luxurious between 40-60% More normal than luxurious Normal Study location Transformation task

Luxorious rent: > € 800 Luxorious private: > €245.000

0m

Fig. 4.14 Transformation task in Rotterdam (COS, 2009)

150m

Fig. 4.15 New plan ‘Parkstad’ for Afrikaanderwijk (Vestia, 2010)


40 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Functions over time In the last decades there has been a tremendous impoverishment in terms of the amount of employement and facilities in the Afrikaanderwijk. Due to the automation of the moving out of the port there are little or no more dockworkers living in this area. Because of the growth of the scale of the supermarket chains, a lot of the smaller shops have dissapeard in this neighbourhood. Next to this global phenomena, the ongoing urban renewal in this area has contributed to the dissapearance of many businesses. Although the many garage doors reveal that the ground floors of the old blocks contained many garages, workshops and other small businesses, they have dissapeared since the urban renewal. There is hardly any industrial work in the district nowadays. Another cause for the diminishing of the retail in this neighbourhood is the decrease of the income levels of the neighbourhoods inhabitants over time. Due to the lower purchase power of the guest workers, which are now the socio-economic weakest groups, and the increasing homogeneity of the neighbourhoods residents, almost all existing of these weaker groups, the shops in the neighbourhood could not survive from the local clientele. Therefore a lot of the retail moved out of this neighourhood.

Low, middle highgestandaardiseerde standardized household incomes Lage, midden and en hoge huishoudensinkomens Afrikaanderwijk

Dg Feijenoord

Rotterdam

3 .650

30 .010

266 .140

Low:onderste lowest 40% Laag: 40% (tot € 17 .300) (untill €17,300)

71%

63%

51%

Middle:middelst middle40% 40% Midden: (tot € 27 .500) (untill €27,500)

25%

28%

34%

4%

9%

15%

Dg Feijenoord

Rotterdam

Aantal huishoudens 01-01-06

High:hoogste highest20% 40% Hoog: (from€ 27 .500) €27,500) (vanaf

Bron: Feitenkaart Inkomensgegevens op deelgemeente- en buurtniveau 2006

Income height poverty limit inkomens onder below de armoedegrens

Ruim een derde d moeite te hebben een opleidingsniv van de jongeren t

Bebouwde omg De woningvoorra Rotterdam Feijen voor 41% uit drie maar 2 kamers; 1 een eenkamerwo

woningen naar eig

Afrikaanderwijk

Number of counted households Aantal meegetelde huishoudens 01-01-200701-01-2007

3 .390

29 .000

258 .870

onder armoedegrens Belowdepoverty limit

1 .030

6 .550

42 .270

idem alsinpercentage Same percentage

29%

23%

16%

Bron: Feitenkaart Inkomensgegevens op deelgemeente- en buurtniveau 2006

koop Huur corporatie Huur particulier totaal totaal

Bron: Feijenoord in beeld

Huishoudens naar belangrijkste bron Householdsmet withinkomen most important income source Afrikaanderwijk

Dg Feijenoord

Rotterdam

3 .650

30 .010

266 .140

1 .860 = 51%

16 .150 = 54%

155 .610 = 58%

590= 16%

5 .980 = 20%

62 .790 = 24%

1 .160 = 32%

7 .490 = 25%

43 .690 = 16%

390 = 1%

4 .050 = 2%

Aantal huishoudens Number of households 01-01-2007 01-01-07 Loon of winst Salary or profit pensioen Pension

Unemployed, ministration werkloos, bijstand of or disability arbeidsongeschikt overig Other

Bron: Feitenkaart Inkomensgegevens op deelgemeente- en buurtniveau 2006

Fig. 4.16 Income levels in Afrikaanderwijk, submunicipality Feijenoord and Rotterdam (Deelgemeente Feijenoord & Vestia Rotterdam Feijenoord, 2009)

g

e

b

i

e

d


(bron: Afstudeerprojekt hbo groep afrikaanderwijk rotterdam 69, M. van Deudekom, W. van Es, H. Horsting, W. Kruiswijk, R. Mellaart, H. Wurdeman, 20 jan 1972)

horeca, 1972

winkels, 1986 horeca, 1986

2007 horeca, 2007 (bron: inventarisatie Crimson, 2007)

(bron: inventarisatie Crimson, 2007)

winkels, 1972

(bron: Bestemmingsplan, 1986)

Fig. 4.17 Maps of development of functions in Afrikaanderwijk (Dorman et al., 2007)

0m 300m

110

winkels, 2007 111

winkels, 1986 horeca, 1986

110

winkels, 2007 111

horeca, 2007

1986

2007

(bron: Bestemmingsplan, 1986)

(bron: Afstudeerprojekt hbo groep afrikaanderwijk rotterdam 69, M. van Deudekom, W. van Es, H. Horsting, W. Kruiswijk, R. Mellaart, H. Wurdeman, 20 jan 1972)

horeca, 1972

(bron: inventarisatie Crimson, 2007)

1986

winkels, 1972

(bron: Bestemmingsplan, 1986)

1972

(bron: Afstudeerprojekt hbo groep afrikaanderwijk rotterdam 69, M. van Deudekom, W. van Es, H. Horsting, W. Kruiswijk, R. Mellaart, H. Wurdeman, 20 (bron: Afstudeerprojekt hbo groep afrikaanderwijk jan 1972) rotterdam 69, M. van Deudekom, W. van Es, H. Horsting, W. Kruiswijk, R. Mellaart, H. Wurdeman, 20 jan 1972)

Retail Restaurants and bars

1972


42 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Afrikaanderplein: a century of metamorphoses The constant transformation of this neighbourhood is also reflected upon the Afrikaander-square. This square has been undergoing a number of transformations over time, due to the changing demands on the use of this public space. The Afrikaanderplein has a size of seven acres. For a park this would be small, but for a square this is too big. Partly because of its impossible size it does not dictate one particular function. The Afrikaanderplein has over time changed from a football field, to a potato field, to an open-air theatre. Since the sixties more and more users claimed a piece of this square, eventually causing the square to fall apart into loose pieces. In 2005 the square has had its most recent transformation. Again an attempt is made to let different functions co-exist harmoniously on the Afrikaanderplein. On the next page a timeline shows all the transformations of the square, from 1904 until today.

In 1904 the Afrikaanderwijk was recorded in an engraving while it was under construction. Initially the only diagonal path, the Bloemfontijnstraat, would get an perpendicular exponent that would divide the open field in half. Now the shape of the square is a result of leaving three lots of the polder allotment open. From 1909 the football club Celeritas (which later becomes Feyenoord) plays its matches on the Afrikaanderplein. In the early years of Feyenoord the club played football matches every Sunday, on a bare and bumpy field nicknamed â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Little Switzerlandâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. The weekly games soon attracted many supporters along the line. In 1912 the parish church on the east side of the Afrikaanderplein was built. In this period, the square does not represent anything yet: it is mostly an empty piece of ground, which between 1912 and 1917 is the home of soccer club Feyenoord. In 1917 the football club had to leave the Afrikaanderwijk. The field was transformed into allotment gardens to cope with the food shortage during World War I.

Afrikaanderplein is...

=

=

>

7 ac.

8x Schouwburgplein Rotterdam Fig. 4.18 Comparison of size of Afrikaanderplein

4x Markt square Delft

2x Dam square Amsterdam


Between 1925 and 1927, the HBS of W.G. Witteveen and A.J. van der Steur is finished on the south side of the square and the square is redesigned. The square gets a threefold division: from north to south one lane flanked by trees ends the southern part of the square. As part of the HBS-complex a botanical garden is developed. The part of the square next to the church has a more public character and there is a bandstand. Finally in the middle there were two fields for sports and games. Only between 1960 and 1970 people start the transformation of the layout and appearance of the Afrikaanderplein. On the north side there is a need for more space for events, but also the market which after the construction of the metro has moved from Maashaven to Afrikaanderplein. Instead of the three-way split there is now a dual division: a green and semi-private space that belongs to the HBS and a public paved area for the market and for events. Around 1970 there are again important interventions in the square. The event Câ&#x20AC;&#x2122;70 provides the square an enormous steel canopy with underneath it a theatre pit designed by architect Stekelenburg. The square is tiled with concrete paving stones. Also the longcherished desire for a sand playground finally comes true and a pond is created. The square as a meeting place and playground never succeeded in the neighbourhood. Due to the location of the sunken plaza and the desolate character the square is soon called â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;the holeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in the district. However during the urban renewal in the first half of the seventies people make good use of the space: several temporary houses are placed on the square for people who needed to leave their homes during the renovation.


Fig. 4.19 Timeline of transformation of Afrikaanderplein

1960-70

1917

1912

Saba Golchehr

1970

1925-27

1909

1904

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

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2002 1970-80

1979

Mid-seventies thinking of a new classification for the square is started again. At this time there is a discussion held on the question: square or park? The majority prefers a park. A new design is made, with the Amsterdam Sarphatipark in mind. Several parties have desires and interests for the park, therefore a number of features needs to be included in the design: a sports hall, a library, a clubhouse and a school were some of these desires. Eventually all these features get a place on the square. As a result the space became fragmented and dispersed. Late nineties the Afrikaanderplein had become a decayed area. Instead of being a cohesive park, it had become a conglomeration of different functions which were literary divided into separate areas with their backs turned to each other. The green area of the park had fallen prey to vandalism and pollution. In 1999 the sub-municipality Feijenoord commissioned to design a new park. In 2002 the design of OKRA was finished. Again several programs of parties, including the botanical garden, a playground, sports fields and the market, needed to be housed on the square. At the same time the park atmosphere should be kept intact. In the design the several programs are located around the park. A high fence around the park makes it a whole and protects the park from vandalism (Dorman et al., 2007).

Conclusion The problem of the regeneration of this square is that it does not consider the inhabitants network and is always developed as a fragment. What we can learn from all these transformations is that the Afrikaanderplein should be flexible and answering to the needs of the people (so the users). However the changing needs of people is a cause for continual transformation of the sort of space that is needed. The public space should be a resilient space that can handle future transformations of the built environment, the inhabitants and changes in program.


Fig. 4.20 Photo of Afrikaandersquare in 1908 (www.frfc1908.nl)

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APPROACH


Migration is a key factor of transformation (of the local scale) which is not considered in urban renewal planning.

On the level of the individuals, the migrants human capital is reviewed as a potential and guideline for the neighbourhood development. The neighbourhoods potentials exist of its cultural demographics, the connectivity of its street network and the existing housing typology for example. On the scale of the city the networks potentials are explored by connecting the neighbourhoods to the cities network in order to create a situation of a community mix (this will be clarified in the chapter on the theoretical and analytical framework). Finally on the national scale, the potentials of urban renewal plans are used in order to integrate these neighbourhoods and its existing residents to new developments (with interventions in the planning hierarchy and current urban models as corridor developments).

And the aims of this project are: - to redefine the importance of the factor of migration in the urban renewal planning system on a national level; and - to define a planning framework in order to be able to receive and integrate new and existing migrants socially and spatially in (the development of) the neighbourhood by applying a new proposed method. This chapter will elaborate on how I plan to achieve these aims. In order to develop a method that answers to all scale levels that are involved in the urban renewal planning, neighbourhood

Current corridor development 2. TYPOLOGY

3. DEVELOPMENT 2. TYPOLOGY Proposed development: breaking open corridor developments

1. MOBILITY 3. DEVELOPMENT

nei gh

48 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

development and ethnic migration, the approach is to assess the diverse potentials of the different actors at each scale level. These scale levels are: the individual; the neighbourhood; the municipality; and the regional/national level.

In order to recapitulate, the problem statement of this thesis is:

ood urh bo

supergrid

supergrid

ghbourhood

Backwash effect (due to typology) Fig. 5.1 Diagrams demonstating development principles for a transformation is urban renewal developments

Centered Fragmentation (due toneighbourhood program)

Connecting the neighbourhood to the corridor

Placing new functions in the neighbourhood to create a mix of the new and existing functions


individuals - neighbourhood - municipality/city - regional/national

The migrants human capital as potential and a guideline for development

Fig. 5.2 The different scale levels in the approach for this project

The locations existing potentials (as: cultural demographics, connectivity, typology)

The networks potentials by connecting the neighbourhood to the city and creating a situation for a real community mix

The potentials of renewal plans for integrating the neighbourhood and its existing residents to new developments (breaking open corridor developments and creating a new order in planning hierarchy)


50 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Fig. 5.3 Photo of recently arrived migrant children in the Kocapte mosque in Afrikaanderwijk in 1979 (de Hartogh, 1981)


METHODOLOGY


LEVELS OF SOCIAL MIX (Rapoport)

HUMAN CAPITAL (Moser)

SOCIO-SPATIAL CONCENTRATION OF CULTURAL GROUPS (Marcuse, Park et al. & van Kempen)

HUMAN CAPITAL MEASURED BY DAILY SYSTEMS

BONDING AND BRIDING SOCIAL CAPITAL (Putnam)

CLUSTERS ASSIGNED TO USER GROUPS

legend dwelling commerce workshop

2nd ORDER

PRINCIPLES

1st ORDER

MIGRATION IS KEY FACTOR OF TRANSFORMATION WHICH IS NOT CONSIDERED IN PLANNING

CRITERIA

BUILDING TYPOLOGY

NATIONAL AND MUNICIPAL REACTION

NEW HIERARCHY

legend dwelling commerce workshop

3rd ORDER

+

+

+

+

&

legend

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dwelling commerce workshop

New configurations answering to strategic conditions

DEMONSTRATION PROJECTS

studies: c.

?

d.

e.

f. can not be indoor market

dwelling commerce workshop

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+

+

legend dwelling commerce workshop

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&

+

+

+

+

+

+

dwelling commerce workshop

legend dwelling commerce workshop

dwelling commerce workshop

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4. Participation in community groups (like women-club)

3. Production cluster & connectivity in neighbourhood (accessibility)

3. Participation in cultural group (in neighbourhood)

+

THEORY REVIEW

+

- homogeneous (cultural groups) - heterogeneous (age groups) - cultural clusters - male dominated - neighbourhood oriented - ethnical enclave on neighbourhood scale

2. Use of shops/schools and neighbour contact

OWN INPUT

1. Arrival in area with same culture

- large scale retail (AH, etos, etc.) - small scale affordable retail - ethnicity oriented retail - public space answering to ethnical and indigenous populationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s use - market as supra-local attractor

+

+

4. Skill improvement and education

1. Arrival with (very basic) production skills

- social mix - interaction - exchange of goods - public space for everyone - mixed program (for high/ middle and low income groups) - main attractors of ethnical enclave - city/ region oriented - accessibility of cultural and historical heritage

5. Participation in neighbourhood processes (decision power)

5. Shop-space rental on main street (or main distributor)

2. Production at homeworkspace legend

- homogeneous (gender related) - female dominated - protected/ hidden - not immediataly visible - cultural clusters - semi-public/ private space - user group oriented

- small scale retail - flexible use of plinths in (existing) housing blocks - workshops (male inhabitants) - sportfields (youngsters)

- small scale retail - social meeting place females (tea room) - playgrounds childeren - allotments/ community garden (female work place) - workshops (female inhabitants) - free/ flexible plinths in housing blocks

- recognition of active local stakeholders - collaboration of larger and smaller stakeholders - municipality as investor of public space - (sub-) municipality has an active role - facilitate a stakeholder consensus in order to create equillibrium in decision power

- municipality has a passive role - (sub-) municipality as facilitator instead of director - recognition and protection of local stakeholders - residents choice incorporated in decision making - empowering local initiative - work groups of larger and local stakeholders for the development of the new area

CLUSTERS

SPATIAL CONFIGURATION

PLANNING

PROGRAM

GOALS

EMANCIPATION MACHINE

Moser (2007)

Van Kempen (1998) Putnam (2000) Marcuse (1997)

THEORY ETHNIC CONCENTRATION &

PROGRAM

Rapaport (1977)

NETWORK THEORY PUBLIC SPACE Read (2005)

BUILDING HIERARCHY TYPOLOGY legend

+

ANALYSIS

ANALYSIS

legend

+

SOCIAL CAPITAL

commerce

FINANCIAL CAPITAL

dwelling workshop

1st ORDER

legend

CRITERIA

GENERAL PRINCIPLES

2nd ORDER

which are the conditions to integrate and receive new migrants socially and spatially including other existing disadvantaged groups in order to make them part of the urban renewal plans?

CRITERIA

R&D QUESTION

PROFILES

PRINCIPLES

3rd ORDER

AIM

integrating disadvantaged groups in neighbourhood renewal plans framed by a long term vision of receiving new migrants

GENERAL PRINCIPLES

evaluation

DEVELOPMENT PARKSTAD

b.

a.

PROFILES

TRENDS PROBLEM STATEMENT

CONCENTRATION IN DEPRIVED NEIGHBOURHOODS

LOCATION AFRIKAANDERWIJK, ROTTERDAM

SPECIFIC CONTEXT

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

52 | 160

INCREASING MIGRATION

THE NETWORK CITY (Read & Salingaros)

PROFILES

THEORETICAL & ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK

MOTIVATION


ANALYSIS

CONNECTIVITY OF NEIGHBOURHOOD

SPATIAL AND FUNCTIONAL CLUSTERS OF NEIGHBOURHOOD

€€ €

DAILY SYSTEMS OF USER GROUPS

phase 1 LA

+

+

AN

+

OP

W

Van der Vorm-

Servicepunt Sportstimulering Feijenoord

r.

Vereniging de Eenheid der Volken

Stichting ANMO Woningcorporatie Vestia Sonor opbouwerkers

Zwembad Afrikaanderbad

+

Democratische S

+

Kus & Sloop Wijkaccomodatie ‘t Klooster TOS Veldlocatie Afrikaanderwijk

Wijkwinkel/atelier Freehouse

Speeltuinvereniging Afrikaanderwijk

Werkgroep Surinamers Feijenoord

phase 2

OWN INPUT

dwelling commerce workshop

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+ legend dwelling commerce workshop

+

legend dwelling

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commerce workshop

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&

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+

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+

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+

CRITERIA CRITERIA

PROFILES PROFILES

BUILDING BUILDING TYPOLOGY TYPOLOGY

DAILY SYSTEMS SYSTEMS DAILY

commerce workshop

dwelling commerce workshop

- residents choice - residents choice incorporated in in decision incorporated decision making making - empowering local initiative - empowering local initiative - work groups of of larger and - work groups larger and local stakeholders forforthe local stakeholders the development of of the new area development the new area

++

++

++

++

++

++

++

++

++

&&

++

++

++

legend dwelling commerce workshop

ANALYTICAL REVIEW

OWN INPUT

phase 3 Participatory Planning

1. Municipality 2. Sub-municipality 3. Freehouse 4. Kus & Sloop 5. Gemaal op Zuid 6. Botanische tuin 7. Market stallholders 8. Creative Factory 9. Pameijer 10. LCC ‘t Klooster

Kus&Sloop

Association Pameijer LCC ‘t Klooster Market stallholders

Freehouse

Botanical garden

Submunicipality Feijenoord Kocapte Mosque Het Gemaal op Zuid Creative Factory

phase 4 PROGRAM

PUBLIC SPACE

GENERAL PRINCIPLES

BUILDING TYPOLOGY

CRITERIA

PROFILES

CRITERIA

BUILDING TYPOLOGY

PROFILES

>

legend

dwelling

legend

- (sub-) municipality asas - (sub-) municipality facilitator instead of of director facilitator instead director - recognition and - recognition andprotection protection of of local stakeholders local stakeholders

- small scale retail - small scale retail - social meeting place - social meeting place females (tea room) females (tea room) - playgrounds childeren - playgrounds childeren - allotments/ community - allotments/ community garden (female work place) garden (female work place) - workshops (female - workshops (female inhabitants) inhabitants) - free/ flexible plinths in in - free/ flexible plinths housing blocks housing blocks

- homogeneous (gender - homogeneous (gender related) related) - female dominated - female dominated - protected/ hidden - protected/ hidden - not immediataly visible - not immediataly visible - cultural clusters - cultural clusters - semi-public/ private space - semi-public/ private space - user group oriented - user group oriented

legend

- municipality has aa passive - municipality has passive role role

- sportfields (youngsters) - sportfields (youngsters)

OWN OWNINPUT INPUT

PRINCIPLES

+

retail - small scale - small scale retail - flexible use of of plinths in in - flexible use plinths (existing) housing blocks (existing) housing blocks - workshops (male - workshops (male inhabitants) inhabitants)

PROFILES

URBAN RENEWAL PROPOSAL

BUILDING TYPOLOGY

DAILY SYSTEMS

PRINCIPLES

FINANCIAL CAPITAL FINANCIAL CAPITAL

3rd ORDER 3rd ORDER

1. Arrival with (very basic) 1. Arrival with (very basic) production skills production skills

1. Arrival in in area with 1. Arrival area with same culture same culture

- recognition of of active local - recognition active local stakeholders stakeholders - collaboration of of larger - collaboration largerand and smaller stakeholders smaller stakeholders - municipality asas investor - municipality investorofof public space public space - (sub-) municipality has anan - (sub-) municipality has active role active role - facilitate a stakeholder - facilitate a stakeholder consensus in in order toto create consensus order create equillibrium in in decision power equillibrium decision power

- large scale retail (AH, - large scale retail (AH, etos, etc.) etos, etc.) - small scale affordable - small scale affordable retail retail - ethnicity oriented retail - ethnicity oriented retail - public space answering - public space answering to to ethnical and indigenous ethnical and indigenous use population’s population’s use - market asas supra-local - market supra-local attractor attractor

- homogeneous (cultural - homogeneous (cultural groups) groups) - heterogeneous (age groups) - heterogeneous (age groups) - cultural clusters - cultural clusters - male dominated - male dominated - neighbourhood oriented - neighbourhood oriented onon - ethnical enclave - ethnical enclave neighbourhood scale neighbourhood scale

2. Use of of shops/schools 2. Use shops/schools and neighbour contact and neighbour contact

PLANNING PLANNING

GOALS GOALS

3. Participation in in 3. Participation cultural group (in(in cultural group neighbourhood) neighbourhood)

PRINCIPLES PRINCIPLES

ANALYSIS ANALYSIS

PROGRAM PROGRAM

EMANCIPATION EMANCIPATION MACHINE MACHINE

4. Participation in in 4. Participation community groups (like community groups (like women-club) women-club)

SOCIAL CAPITAL SOCIAL CAPITAL

THEORY ETHNIC ETHNIC THEORY CONCENTRATION CONCENTRATION

Van Kempen (1998) Van Kempen (1998) Putnam (2000) Putnam Marcuse(2000) (1997) Marcuse (1997)

Read (2005) Read (2005) Rapaport (1977) Rapaport (1977)

Moser (2007) Moser (2007)

NETWORK NETWORK THEORY THEORY

HIERARCHY HIERARCHY 1st ORDER 1st ORDER 2nd ORDER 2nd ORDER

4. Skill improvement and 4. Skill improvement and education education

3. Production cluster & & 3. Production cluster connectivity in neigh - connectivity in neigh bourhood (accessibility) bourhood (accessibility)

2. Production at at home2. Production homeworkspace workspace

THEORY THEORYREVIEW REVIEW

- social mix - social mix - interaction - interaction - exchange of of goods - exchange goods - public space forfor everyone - public space everyone - mixed program (for - mixed program (for high/ middle and low income high/ middle and low income groups) groups) - main attractors of of ethnical - main attractors ethnical enclave enclave - city/ region oriented - city/ region oriented - accessibility of of cultural and - accessibility cultural and historical heritage historical heritage

Het Gemaal op Zuid

Collectieve tuin en buurthuis ‘De Arend’

CRITERIA CRITERIA

5. Participation in in 5. Participation neighbourhood processes neighbourhood processes (decision power) (decision power)

5. Shop-space rental onon 5. Shop-space rental main street (or(or main main street main distributor) distributor)

Botanische tuin Afrikaanderplein

Sportzaal Afrikaanderplein

Kocapte moskee

CLUSTERS CLUSTERS

+

Stichting Afri

SPATIAL SPATIAL CONFIGURATION CONFIGURATION

+

PARTICIPATORY PLANNING FRAMEWORK

Deelgemeente Feijenoord

In the previous chapter I introduced the general approach of this project. The scheme on the previous page shows the methodological approach of this project. In the introduction the current and future trends of migration and the governmental and municipal responses to this phenomena were illustrated. These trends result in the problem statements of this project. After analysing the specific context for this research, the aim and research question are expressed. Following this the methods are instigated. By investigating theoretical works and analytical methods a set of principles is developed. Also the current planning framework is analysed and a proposal for a new participatory planning approach created. In this planning approach the principles are translated into the different phases of this new planning system (see page 116). In order to demonstrate how this proposed planning system together with the proposed system of principles can be used, a translation is made in the form of a demonstration project. With this demonstration project the principles and the planning framework can be evaluated and adapted in order to develop a set of generic principles, which together with the analytical methods will form a strategy for a new urban renewal planning approach. This output is then evaluated by reviewing the aim and research question.

legend dwelling commerce workshop

+

+

&

+ legend dwelling commerce workshop

+

legend dwelling commerce workshop

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+

Fig. 6.1 Methodological scheme of this project


54 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Fig. 6.2 Photo of migrant family in Crooswijk, Rotterdam in 1978 (de Hartogh, 1981)


THEORETICAL AND ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

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56 | 160

beneficial concentration Inter-ethnic dynamics

Ethnical concentration

The spatial segregation of migrants has been studied for over eighty years (Bolt et al., 2006). The most renowned studies originate from researchers within the Chicago School (Park and Burgess, 1925). These researchers can be seen as socio-ecologists. In their descriptive studies the spatial patterns of migrant groups in Chicago and their dynamics of these patterns were researched. The terminology used for their research stems from biology. The process of the moving dynamics is threefold in their studies, they consist of invasion, succession and dominance. The similarity between the ecosystem in biology and the ‘homo sapiens’ can be explained as follows: inhabitants of a neighbourhood will leave when there is an influx of new groups of residents (invasion). As a result of this new dwellings become available for the members of the new groups of residents (succession). Eventually the last stage (dominance) may occur: the new group has replaced the other group for a great part, and is therefore dominant in the neighbourhood.

The concentration of the migrants in the post-war neighbourhoods causes a spatial segregation between different socio-economic groups in the society. According to van Kempen et al. (1998) we speak of spatial concentration of a group, if an area displays an overrepresentation of this group. So in the case of the post-war neighbourhoods with a high concentration of migrants, we can speak of spatial concentration, which by definition implies spatial segregation. In turn spatial segregation can have negative effects on the integration of the migrants into society (van Kempen and şule Özüekren, 1998).

In research on segregation in the four big cities in the Netherlands (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Den Haag and Utrecht) the philosophy of the Chicago School is proven to be true. A study on (ethnical) segregation in these cities (Bolt et al., 2006) shows the three stages. First the indigenous population moves away from the area when groups of migrant population move into the neighbourhood (invasion). Then succession follows, for migrants prefer living in an area where they find their own culture. The research shows that these groups mostly move to neighbourhoods where 50100 percent of the population exists out of migrants. With these moving dynamics eventually a state of dominance is achieved in the neighbourhood by the migrant groups. This process resulted in the neighbourhoods we now recognise as (problem) areas of concentration of the migrants. The urban renewal policy thrives to break this natural process by the physical mix of the housing stock. The question is however, when this invasion-successiondominance is in truth a natural process, which results from housing and moving preferences of individuals, will this policy be successful in the mixing of different groups on a neighbourhood level? Is it not more realistic to adjust the goal of the policy according to this process? In the proposal of this graduation project I want to explore the ethnic concentration as a beneficial phenomena for the integration of newcomers. First I will support this idea based on several literary studies.

Spatial planning plays a clear role in the issue of integration. The neighbourhood is seen as an important domain of integration (Gowricharn, 2001). Interaction in the neighbourhood can provide social integration. As we discussed earlier, in the Netherlands migrants are increasingly concentrated in certain neighbourhoods. With this the idea arose that the neighbourhood has become a brake in the integration process. If and how the spatial segregation of these groups is negative in this process will be discussed later. What I want to emphasize on here is that the programs which focus on improving the socio-economic position of migrants will not suffice to solve the problem of integration (Ravallion and Wodon, 1999). We also need to intervene in the spatial structure in order to overcome the obstacles that the people in these neighbourhoods are facing. But is the concentration of certain groups necessarily a negative occurrence? In this section I will discuss the literary perceptions on disadvantages and benefits of concentration. As we know now the Dutch government perceives the homogeneous social structure of neighbourhoods and the spatial concentration of low-income groups as a problem. The idea of the neighbourhood with concentrations of socio-economic weak groups frequently appears in literature on American ghettos. For example Wilson (1989) stated that the combination of unemployment, the departure of the middle class, the influx of low-income population groups, the relative increase of (poor) elderly residents, and the impoverishment of the remaining population puts pressure on the social organization of such areas. Socio-economic weak residents of these areas are restricted in their choices as individuals and are also much more dependant of their immediate environment (the neighbourhood) than other people from the mainstream society. Wilson also puts forward that isolation is a consequence of an


activity space restricted to neighbourhood residents. In this way their daily life is dominated by the neighbourhood, and therefore the neighbourhood influences strongly the behaviour and attitudes of its residents (Wilson, 1989). According to this literature it is very difficult for the residents to escape such districts, for they do not have the financial means to move away. But also discrimination plays an important part in the housing market. The areas with a concentration of ethnic minorities have a bad name among the general public. A lot of the residents of these areas believe that the quality of life in these areas has declined which is mainly caused by the arrival of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;foreignersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Tesser et al., 1998). In the research of Tesser et al. (1998) a division is made between migrants who live in the concentration areas temporarily. For these groups the concentration areas are mere the area of arrival which is followed by sprawl and societal integration. The second groups however are the migrants who stay and live in the concentration areas more or less forever. In this case the fear of concentration areas developing into ghettos of poverty arises. There is no definite conclusion for the Netherlands deriving from this research. However it can be stated that another possibility is not considered: some migrants might see their housing situation as a desirable one. With this perspective the area might turn into a kind of ethnic enclave (Marcuse, 1997).

Fig. 7.1 Positive ethnic concentration

The neighbourhood can most certainly also have a positive effect. Forrest and Keans (2001) state that over time individuals might attach more importance to the neighbourhood, due to macrodevelopments as for example globalisation. Also the social solidarity of neighbours within a neighbourhood is seen as an important phenomena. The neighbourhood can in this case be seen as an enforcement of local ties and networks. It is widely acknowledged that good social contacts are considered a basic need. In this line of thought it is logical that people like to live in neighbourhoods where they can find people like themselves, we also saw this in a previous section about the moving dynamics (Bolt et al., 2006). The neighbourhood becomes a key place in the definition of the social world of its residents (van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). Furthermore the quality of these neighbourhoods and affiliated contacts strengthen the capacity of residents to participate abundantly in society (Healy, 1998 in van Beckhoven and van Kempen, 2003). So in order to conclude, concentration of certain groups according to their background (for instance ethnicity) is not necessarily a negative phenomena. In fact the concentration of these groups can have beneficiary effects in relation to bonding and bridging capital of its residents (Granovetter, 1973; Putnam, 2000; Tunas, 2008). I will return to this theory later in this chapter.


58 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

New direction for Dutch policy

The cultural enclave

In my graduation project I propose a different strategy for the renewal of the neighbourhoods of ethnical concentration. A shift is proposed from the fear of ghettofication in the policy, towards an approach according to the cultural enclave of Marcuse (1997) (see fig. 44). Here the focus lies on strengthening bonds between new and old residents within the same culture (bonding social capital) and also investing in the bridging social capital. By creating cultural enclaves that are at the same time strongly imbedded in the city, the integration of new migrants and the societal position of all residents should be improved. I will elaborate these two theories that support my proposition:

Marcuse (1997) defines three categories of group settlements in his work on the Post-Fordist U.S. City. These groups are classified as the ghetto, the enclave and the citadel. The classic ghetto is defined as the result of an involuntary spatial segregation of a group that beholds an inferior relationship with the society in terms of politics and social capital. The enclave is explained as a voluntarily developed spatial concentration of a group which supports and contributes to its memberâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s welfare. The last category (the citadel) is defined as a concentration created by a dominant group so their superior position can be strengthened and protected. In the case of the concentration of migrants in the Netherlands the first two categories are of importance. As I stated in a earlier, the fear of the policy makers is a ghettofication of the neighbourhoods of concentration. What is not considered however are the benefits this concentration can have for the migrant groups. The ethnical/ cultural enclave of Marcuse (1997) shows positive effects of ethnical concentration.

Bridging and bonding theory

The theory of bridging and bonding social capital and its effects within (American) society is handled to a great extend in the work of Putnam (2000). Here bridging social capital is defined by open networks, an external orientation that links people across social systems. Bonding on the other hand is the internal network that reinforces the social ties within the homogeneous group. In this project however I want to emphasize on the role of social capital on improving integration of migrants. In this context the bridging social capital is defined by contacts between the ethnical group (the migrant) and the indigenous population (so inter-ethnic contacts) and bonding are the social ties within the ethnical group (so intra-ethnic contacts). So if integration means positive interaction, a mixing and an ongoing communication among groups (Marcuse, 1997), then what is needed to facilitate integration is bridging social capital. A research on non-Western migrants in Denmark (Nannestad et al., 2008) shows that bonding social capital contributes to bridging social capital. Positive bonding capital has a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;spill-overâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; effect on the amount of bridging capital. Also bonding capital is important for (ethnic) social integration because it enables migrant families to receive support and directions from other families and associations within the ethnic group. With this community standards are created and reinforced among the groups members, who may otherwise fall into an underclass subculture (Zhou and Bankston, 1994). So not only is bonding important for the integration of migrants, it also has a positive effect on the bridging social capital which is necessary for a good integration into mainstream society.

Historically migrants have settled in separate communities of their national origin. By composing enclaves an orientation to the new country of residency and mutual support among the migrants was ensured. In many of these cases the migrant networks supported the contact between new migrants with the mainstream society. Examples are the Chinese restaurants catering to non-Chinese

Bridging and bonding social capital (Granovetter, 1973 : Putnam, 2000 : Nannestad et al., 2008)

Bonding Bridging

Ethnical group (non-Western migrants)

Etical group (Non-Western migrants)

Indigenous (Dutch) population Indigenous (Dutch) population

Fig. 7.2 Bridging and bonding social capital (Putnam, 2000)


clientele, or Korean grocery-stores opening stores in non-Korean neighbourhoods (Marcuse, 1997). The enclave therefore is a source of strength working bottom-up towards equality and integration and counteracts processes as gentrification. In order to achieve this beneficial concentration, the spatial policy in the Netherlands needs to change. The increasing prosperity will lead to a larger choice in space set for those who share in this prosperity and to an increasing concentration in the neighbourhoods where the housing and the living quality leaves much to be desired of those who fail to integrate adequately into this development (van Kempen and Ĺ&#x;ule Ă&#x2013;zĂźekren, 1998). As a result of this the social networks (bonding social capital) threaten to fall into decline, which makes the advantages of ethnic concentration disappear. The role of spatial policy should be to enhance the availability of employment opportunities for those who find themselves outside the employment process, to enlarge the housing opportunities for groups with a low income outside the neighbourhoods of concentration and to improve the quality of the housing and the residential environment of the neighbourhood. According to van Kempen et al. (1998) the goal should not be to counteract the ethnical concentration, but to ensure that concentration is a result of the positive choice of the residents. In my graduation proposal this line of thought is translated into a strategy for an urban regeneration strategy for a neighbourhood in Rotterdam.

Fig. 7.3 Strengthening bonding capital for progressive integration

Fig. 7.4 Taxonomy of the ghetto, the enclave and the citadel by Marcuse (1997) showing the proposed shift of renewal policy: instead of the fear of ghettofication, a new approach of ethnical concentration as cultural enclaves


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

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network city Dutch cities often share a similar spatial structure when looking at the cities network. Research on this topic has shown the central role of the so-called ‘super grid’ in the functioning of many (traditional) city centers (Read, 2005). This super grid can be interpreted as the overall grid of the city which acts as a facilitator of longer range movement in the central fabric. Opposite from this super grid we find the local grid of a city. This local network represents the neighbourhood centers within a city. The focus of my project lies within the relation between these two scale levels of a city. These two scale levels can be translated into different communities and their movement within the city. Relationships between these communities are usually assumed to be a horizontal relation. In the example of the rich and poor communities within a city, this would mean that their neighbourhoods border each other and that this border becomes a positively educative interface between the two populations.

In order to measure this theory in reality I used space syntax to analyse the different grids of the larger and the neighbourhood scale. On the next page these measurements are shown. The first map shows the super grid of the city of Rotterdam. This is the grid that is used by the more affluent communities in the city. The second map shows the local grid. Here the neighbourhood centers are highlighted. In order to investigate if the neighbourhoods of Rotterdam are located centrally within the super grid of the city the layers are put on top of each other. The next two maps show this overlay. In the last map the places where the super grid and the local grid come together are highlighted. So these are the spaces where the neighbourhood is well connected to the city’s grid and where there is a possibility for a community mix. In the local analysis of the project location we will return to this analytical tool and investigate if there is a community mix facilitated in the project area.

Read (2005) sheds a new light on this matter. He describes the relations between the communities as a vertical ecology. Within this theory the communities involved are defined at different scales. Relationships The community using the super grid is that of the larger city.between Andcommunities are usually assumed on what I have been calling the horizontal level; communities - like the rich and the community using the local grid is that of the neighbourhood. poor communities whose neighbourhoods border Another difference from the horizontal ecology theory is that theSennett (2004) talks ofeach other that Richard relationsof across a border which becomes in border between these two communities is not at thehave edge the his terms the positively educative and `creatively disorderly' interface between the two populations. neighbourhood, but centered within this neighbourhood. This place is central and identifying for the neighbourhood community, In the vertical ecology the relations between population is of different. but at the same time the space is part of the centrality theFirstly the communities involved are defined at different scales. The community using the ‘supergrid’ is that of the whole city. larger city; that using the local grid is that of the neighbourhood. Another difference from the horizontal ecology is that the border between the two communities is centred within the neighbourhood.

This central space in the neighbourhood is the high-street in which an urban-social form is created. This is the space where the relationship between city and neighbourhood Interrelationship is actualized with what is `not-community' not at a marginal and made real in one real space. This space thenhappens becomes a site, or at the unstable edge between sites, but at a central one, and one space that is central and ‘concrete universal’ (Read, 2005: p. 353). This is that a establishes space a that identifying for the neighbourhood community draws together and integrates the heterogeneous components involved - while atthat the same time being part of that virtual centrality of the whole city. constitute ‘real places’. In this space public sphere pre-individuated is conceived - Readsame (2005) as a site of difference and disagreement, but at the time one that offers opportunity to the less powerful to stake their claims. It provides engagement, which depends on maintaining open links between different cultures and interests. Through this confrontation identities can be formed, while social engagement van generate understanding and new hybrid identities (Read, 2005). According to this theory, what needs to be facilitated to create a real social mix of communities, is connecting the neighbourhood to the super grid of the city. If a neighbourhood is centered within this super grid it will facilitate engagement and interaction of the different communities within the city.

Horizontal ecology $$$$$$+

Vertical ecology

$$$+ $$$-

Interaction and engagement

Fig. 7.5 Horizontal and vertical ecologies with their borders of interaction


nei gh

nei gh

ood urh bo

ood urh bo

supergrid

supergrid

De-centered neighbourhood

Fig. 7.6 In order to create a community mix within a neighbourhood, this neighbourhood should be centered (Read, 2005)

Centered neighbourhood


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supergrid

high connectivity

1000 m

low connectivity

Fig. 7.7 Global integration of Rotterdam measured with Space Syntax


local grid

high connectivity

1000 m Fig. 7.8 Local integration of Rotterdam measured with Space Syntax

low connectivity


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integration

high connectivity 1000 m

low connectivity

Fig. 7.9 Global and local integration of Rotterdam measured with Space Syntax


high connectivity 1000 m

Fig. 7.10 Global and local integration of Rotterdam measured with Space Syntax

low connectivity


Community mix

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66 | 160

In the first chapter several theories on ethnic concentration were introduced. The movement behaviour of communities was one of the theories showing that the process of concentration is a natural occurrence. Rapoport (1977) also handles this topic. According his theory the nature of the various groups as well as the scale plays a role in this process. According to him the size which homogeneous areas should be is an important question on which there is very little work. This relation between homogeneity and heterogeneity is far from clear or simple, according to Rapoport (1977), it even suggests that homogeneous areas may reduce prejudice. From his research he concludes that homogeneous areas have lower delinquency and crime rates than heterogeneous ones regardless of poverty. Furthermore the preservations and creation of homogeneous area provides a greater range of physical and social environments and services. It finally leads to a much higher level of urban complexity. The theory of Rapoport (1977) stresses the importance of clustering for migrants and other populations. According to him this notion can be applied to urban environments in two ways. First by comparing what is available to what is needed, leading to the design of the supplement. He explains that the urban environment should be composed of many varied settings. The specificity of each setting is the various more or less homogeneous groups which compose them. Portions of these varied settings should be accessible so that it can be experienced in a given period of time and via a variety of routes. This will lead to a greater complexity, because of the increase of noticeable differences through uniqueness and specificity and also because the areas of different groups will have different complexity levels. Also the fear of ghettofication is undermined in this theory. According to Rapoport the isolation of these settings is unlikely, since interaction often increases under such conditions and is helped by the provision of potential interaction and meeting places. These places are carefully related to relevant activity systems and include relatively similar groups. Rapoport emphasizes on the relation between socio-cultural variables and the urban environment. The design literature has however â&#x20AC;&#x153;stressed a unitary urban environment, while urban sociology and ecology literature have neglected the design implications of urban differentiationâ&#x20AC;? (Rapoport, 1977: p. 265). Therefore these socio-cultural variables need to be deeper investigated in order to incorporate it in the design. In the proposal of the new method these variables are translated into principles for the design.

Fig. 7.11 Level of social mix or homogeinity (Rapoport, 1977)

According to Rapoport designers have been eager to generate connectedness and interaction. But his research shows that various groups desire particular levels of interaction. Moreover different groups have different levels of interaction, different forms of networks, different places for interaction and different territorial needs. In the Moslem city these social links are expressed physically. In order to conclude, all the above mentioned concepts stress the need to be specific and not deal with averages or generalized, unitary urban environments. Evidently different groups have different behaviour setting systems.

Fig. 7.12 User patterns of different communities (Rapoport, 1977)


human capital As mentioned before, the concentration of non-Western migrants is an will remain an ongoing process in the future of the large cities in the Netherlands. This is a result of the large offer of housing in the social rent sector in these neighbourhoods, which is still by far the main housing provider for existing and new migrants. This means that these neighbourhoods are constantly receiving the weakest groups. Furthermore, due to the homogenous housing stock, people who live in the neighbourhood and desire to move up in their housing career are not able to pursue this within the boundaries of this neighbourhood. Hence they are forced to move out of the neighbourhood to reach their aspirations. So in order to keep the existing residents in the neighbourhood, which keeps the community bonds and social ties of these groups intact, there is a need for possibilities for emancipation within the neighbourhood. This emancipation can be seen as a conceptual ladder, in which each step should be possible in the neighbourhoodsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; boundaries. So in order to upgrade the area each step up the ladder needs to be facilitated locally. In order to measure and plan these steps of the emancipation ladder, the asset theory of Moser and Felton (2007) is used. They developed an asset index in order to measure assets as the indicator of human capital. Development economist have been advocating to use these asset measurements to complement income and consumption-based measures of welfare and wealth in developing countries. With this they aim to extend the understanding of the multi-dimensional character of poverty and the complexity of the processes elementary to poverty reduction (Moser and Felton, 2007). The human capital is not only to be measured by the individualsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; assets. In order to measure the human capital in relation to a spatial aspect I looked at the daily system of the resident. This system can then be reviewed in the neighbourhood in order to characterise and locate different groups. From this analysis we then know which spatial and functional links are needed for the emancipation of these groups. In a later chapter I will elaborate more on this instrument. Earlier on I mentioned the emancipation system with its conceptual ladder. The image to the right show the translation of this idea. I used the human capital theory to divide the assets into three main categories. These categories are: the physical, financial and social capital. For each of these themes I developed a conceptual ladder with each step in the emancipation of new migrants. The first step is always the arrival in a neighbourhood with a high ethnic concentration. Then in each system I propose the next steps in order to rise in the ladder of society to eventually reach an emancipation of the ethnic population and a progressive integration of the newcomers.

In order to be able to use this idea for the planning and design proposal, I analysed what kind of intervention would be needed to facilitate each step locally in the neighbourhood. The symbols following the steps indicate wether there is a need for a top-down, bottom-up within the planning system or a spatial intervention in the design. Of course in most situations there is a need for a combination of a spatial intervention as well as a change in the normative dimension. The image also shows this among several steps.

User group:

Daily system:

In neighbourhood:

Fig. 7.13 Conceptual daily system of the female user group

Female + kids (in school)

Fig. 7.14 Asset Index in categories (Moser & Felton, 2007)


PHYSICAL CAPITAL FINANCIAL CAPITAL

2. Housing typology that responds to this groups needs 1. Arrival in well connected neighbourhood (close to facilities/jobs/public transport)

5. Shop-space rental on main street (or main distributor) 4. Skill improvement and education 3. Production cluster & connectivity in neighbourhood (accessibility) 2. Production at home-workspace 1. Arrival with (very basic) production skills

5. Participation in neighbourhood processes

SOCIAL CAPITAL

68 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

3. Possibility of making housing carreer in own neighbourhood

4. Participation in community groups (like women-group etc.) 3. Participation in cultural group (in neighbourhood) 2. Use of shops/schools and neighbour contact 1. Arrival in area with same culture = spatial = top down/ policy

Fig. 7.15 Conceptual emancipation ladder based on social, financial and physical capital

= bottom up/ local organizations


ANALYSIS


Connectivity Fig. 8.1 Diagram of de-centered neighbourhood according to Read (2005)

In the previous chapter the theoretical and analytical framework around the network city concept was introduced. The theory states that when a neighbourhood’s local grid is disconnected from the city’s supergrid, the neighbourhood is de-centered. This means that there is a social segregation of user groups on the scale of the neighbourhood, since the two communities that move on different scale levels of the city are not connected in the local/ neighbourhood scale. In order to measure if this is the case in the project area, Afrikaanderwijk, I used space syntax to measure both the location of the supergrid as well as the local grid. The next pages show these measurements. The first map shows the supergrid in relation to the neighbourhood. On this map it becomes visible that the supergrid is mostly located around the neighbourhood. We will see this fact even clearer in the third map. The second map shows the neighbourhood grid. These are the spatial links and the streets used by the local communities, so the weaker residents in this neighbourhood. If we then put these two systems together we can see if these two systems connected. The third map shows what the locations are of this assemblage of systems. This map clearly shows that the concentration of these locations are found at the border of the neighbourhood. These marked axes are the streets where the supergrid and the local grid meet and which is therefore the space for interaction and a social mix of the two communities. This analysis shows that the Afrikaanderwijk neighbourhood is practically only connected to the city’s supergrid at its borders. This means that according to the theory of Read (2003) this neighbourhood is a de-centered neighbourhood. Consequently this determines that currently the opportunity for a community mix within a central area in the neighbourhood is diminished.

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IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

70 | 160

network city

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supergrid

Fig. 8.2 GLobal integration of Afrikaanderwijk measured in Space Syntax

0m

250m


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

72 | 160

local grid

Fig. 8.3 Local integration of Afrikaanderwijk measured in Space Syntax

0m

250m


integration

Fig. 8.4 Global/ local integration of Afrikaanderwijk measured in Space Syntax

0m

250m


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

74 | 160

integration

Fig. 8.5 Global/ local integration of Afrikaanderwijk projected on sattelite map

0m

250m


New connectivity

In order to create a possibility for a social mix of the different communities, which in this case are the socio-economic weaker ethnic population and the middle and high income indigenous population, an intervention in the street network in required. By creating a centered neighbourhood, a situation for interaction of the different communities and the integration of the migrants into mainstream society is enhanced.

To investigate if the neighbourhood can be connected to the supergrid of the city, some interventions were measured and tested in space syntax. The images on the next page show these measurements. The top image shows the hierarchy in each situation, while the bottom image shows the connectivity of the lines to the supergrid indicated by the space syntax measurements.

Also by intervening in the neighbourhoods network a new hierarchy of streets is facilitated. This new hierarchy creates opportunities for new and larger scale developments in the neighbourhood. These developments will be handled more in detail in the next chapter.

The first image shows the current situation. This is the situation which has been analysed in the previous measurements. In this situation the neighbourhood is de-centered from the supergrid of the city.

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supergrid

Fig. 8.6 Centered neighbourhood according to Read (2005)

In the urban renewal plan of Parkstad two new connections will be made in the street network. In order to strengthen the eastwest connections in Rotterdam-South, these two streets in the neighbourhood will be connected to one of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s supergrid axes. I measured these interventions in space syntax to analyse if these connections have an effect on the connectivity of the neighbourhoods network to that of the larger city. The measurement however shows that these interventions have no or very little effect on the neighbourhood lines that will be connected. This means that with this intervention of creating two new connections, the effect for the neighbourhood is quite insubstantial. The local grid remains disconnected from the supergrid, therefore the neighbourhood continues to be de-centered from the city. In order to find out which intervention should be added to that of the urban renewal I tested some new connections in space syntax. Eventually I chose the intervention that needed the least interference and had the most effect in terms of connectivity. The third image shows this intervention. By connecting the main neighbourhood street directly to the intersection with a supergrid line, the neighbourhood immediately becomes better connected. In the bottom image the red lines indicate the supergrid. Now it becomes clear that by this intervention the neighbourhood is centered within the supergrid of the city. With this intervention the neighbourhood street becomes a strong backbone of the neighbourhood. In a later chapter I will explain how this new connectivity will have an effect on the functional layout of the neighbourhood.


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Fig. 8.8 Location of proposed intervention


Looking at the real situation of this intersection we can see that the connection between these two lines is not only fragmented in the space syntax measurement. The entrance of the neighbourhood from this supergrid-street is merely possible from one traffic direction. Another cause of this fragmentation is the height difference. The profile shows that the supergrid street is located higher than the neighbourhood. This causes for a stronger feeling of fragmentation in this intersection. I propose to connect the neighbourhood street directly to the supergrid street. Also the intersection should be equivalent from both streets. So entering and leaving the neighbourhood should be possible from and in all directions.

I have chosen not to design this intervention in detail, for this is more a technical intervention. In the next chapter I will clarify what the output of this method will be instead. In short, the output will be related to the methodology and the system that I am proposing. This system will be based on the level of connectivity and the new hierarchy, which will have an effect on the level of mixed program. The interventions will be closely related to this new hierarchy. For instance the street profiles will be characterised by this new hierarchy and have a change in their functional and spatial layout.

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

78 | 160

Intervention

1.

A

2.

A` 2.

cross section:

10m

Afrikaanderwijk

A situation now:

A` intervention:

Fig. 8.9 Proposed intervention in order to change street hierarchy (maps. google.com)


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Fig. 8.10 New hierarchy as a result of proposed intervention Lave n

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80 | 160 IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

Hierarchy

1st order

Paul Krugerstraat

Petrorialaan

2nd order

Bloemfontijnstraat

Christiaan de Wetstraat

3rd order

Riebeekstraat

CronjĂŠstraat

Fig. 8.11 Existing street profiles in new hierarchy


living fields Existing spatial and functional links As mentioned before, the approach for this research is to assess the potentials of each scale level in order to propose a method that answers to the existing qualities and translates these qualities into development potentials in relation to the focus groups. One of the scale levels in this system is the neighbourhood. In order to analyse the potentials of the neighbourhood, there is a need for an integral analysis in which all functions, actors and systems are brought to light. For this analysis I have used a method developed by the Veldacademie (2011). In their neighbourhood monitor they developed a way to not only map the built environment but also the input of inhabitants and professionals, the neighbourhood organisations and all participants in the ongoing processes of the local environment. For this reason this method fits to my approach and objectives to clarify all actors and all program in the neighbourhood in a transparent and integral manner. The output of this analysis is to find the local anchor points of the neighbourhood. By tracing the concentration of program in the area and verifying this output with residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; inputs, the anchor points of the neighbourhood can be located. In the next chapter which explains the method I will show the relation between this analytical output and the other analyses. This in order to clarify how all aspects play a role in the proposed system. The map on the next page shows all the different aspects of the analysis in one map. Next to this map the legend is shown as an explanation of the attributes on the map. In the following pages I handle all relevant themes in a separate map in order to clarify the different aspects in the neighbourhood. The last map then will conclude with the location and program of the anchor points in this neighbourhood. In the proposed method the relation between these anchor point with the previous analysis of the network and hierarchies will be clarified.


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ES LT J IE

Gr Ern oo e ple sm st in an-

ST 82 | 160 Saba Golchehr

at

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IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

n

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g rwe

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legend

weg

Legenda Afrikaanderwijk Wonen

Private housing

Economie, werk & inkomen retail cluster

Source: - Gisweb 2.0 - Vestia

Source: - Google maps - GisWeb 2.0 - Observation

INVENTARISATION

supermarket Demolish/ restrucure

Veiligheid Politiebureaus

ok

food store

OK-punten

Onderwijs Source: - Infolijn politie

general day care

- Site OK-punten

€€ €

Source: - GisWeb 2.1 - Google maps - Schoolguides

Woonomgeving public space

farmacy

pre-school

social help

primary school

specialized health care

Source: - Google maps - Gisweb 2.0

Source: - Gisweb 2.0 -Google Maps

Participatie & Vrije tijd associational sport association

park/plantation

Source: - Gisweb 2.0 -Google Maps

swimming pool playground

solitary shops

Corporation property

Welzijn & Hulpverlening

phone house

e

library & E-center

associated sportfield sport field

Ontw

Beoo voorz

Aanv ontw

- GisWeb 2.1

garage

other organisations Source: -Google Maps

semi-public space

fast food

court yards management

restaurant

collective garden café social

public transport

retail

community center

train track T

coffeeshops

tram line metro line

TO

S

terrace

TOS - field location

religious islamic institution

at

lst

ra

at

al

M

B

Ba sP

POLICY

s rtu Be

tr.

Kie

boo

Ric Domhard str. bi

outs

gerh

Bur

Cor

POLICY

aa uw es tra

Bu

n

va

at

ra

t es

bus line

INVENTARISATION

Development areas

Source: Vestia Submunicipality Feijenoord

Demolishment

mple

in

W PIA YM OL

EG

Fig. 8.13 Legend for the living analysis of Station fields Afrikaanderwijk "R'dam Stadion" (Veldacademie, 2011 edited by author)

POLICY

INVENTARISATION

New developments

Source: Vestia Submunicipality Feijenoord

POLICY

INVENTARISATION

POLICY

INVENTARISATION

high school new development area for schools ‘Brede Scholen’

Source: - Gebiedsvisie Afrikaanderwijk (2009) - Nieuwzuid.nl

POLICY

INVENTARISATION

POLICY

INVENTARISATION

POLICY

INVENTARISATION

BELEID


t aa str ek

la

Spoor

rp Vu u

Rose-

at tra

tr. fs ie ot

H.

m

g

Lo

t

we

laa

m

rp

m

tra

Vu u

oo St

i ch Ma

at es tra Ro s 2e straat

n selaa

at tra rs te

Schild

P ch utsep t l.

bo tse Pu

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wij de

aa t as tr

Strijense

Herman

tra at de s Od

Bo u

an

rla

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l Po

Beije rland

raat Costerst

at

Fle str dde aa rus t -

H. R.

nts ka as Ma

t

co

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Ja

ide

cq

A.

ue

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yc sN

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str

d

P.J .

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as

-

de V aa ries t -

rstr oo rsp ide Zu

led w str ars.

Hil

an Hillela n Hillelaa

en O.Z. Maashav

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straat

ro nB de J.H aa

t

of sh thu Ich

at es tra Ro s 2e straat

n selaa

Strijense

As

i ch Ma

an

at Ve e

Spoor Rose-

g we tra m oo St

at tra rs te

ms

tra

straat

la rp tr. fs ie ot m co

m

Beije rland

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t laa rp Vu u

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bo As

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at

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250 m

Gro

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Schild

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t

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cq

A.

ue

aa

sN

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n Costerst

at

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as ola

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d rpa oo rsp ide Zu

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an Hillela

str

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aa

t

of sh thu Ich

.v

t aa str ek ro nB de an J.H

Ve e

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Kokerstraat

swe

en

Laantje

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straat

et

100 m

ningerst

vli

V

raat

ijk

t

Slaghekstraat

eg

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led

Hil

Putse straat

Maliestraa

Klosstraat

ns

t

wij

aa

t

de

tjesw

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Pantserstraat

tra at

at

Laan

n

laa utse

t aa

de s

tra

str

t

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1e

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se

l Ba

ie t at

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at

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str et W

t aa

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tra

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nd

r fst

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as tr

ven

ss

la

an

es nn

at

Od

sha

bo

ee Tw

ijk

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De

tia

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tie Re

tra

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Maa

t ris

Ch

Jo

Voorschool Tweebos

Basisschool Da Costa

e

lle

vl

Rijn- n have str

aa

str

t

en O.Z.

en

os

eb

aa

str

Maashav

av

ID

FEIJENOORD

ille

rs

AAN

sh

on

f

at tra

ho

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te

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et W

at

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Hi

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tie

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rso

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an

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t

el

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n

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t

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Eg

str

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Co

tr ys

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an

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ra str

ve

Re

la ria to

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va en

ha

la

de

e Pr

DOR D

e

f

De

an tia

at ra

ns er

ad

ho

r

ris Ch

st at ra st

a Tr

Oleander-

ed

Pe

en

st

at

ra

at

st

at

tra

ra

as

st

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laan

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etk

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g we

in

te

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m co

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eu

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ra

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rg

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aat sstr

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drie

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n t-A

rs

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tte

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jé on

r.

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Pu

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be

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eg

ave

h Rijn

Station "R'dam Zuid"

Basisschool de Globetrotter

e

st

ou

Blokweg

r

straat

ningerst

N

LAA

LSE

BRIE

t

aa

op

sweg

raat

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t

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at

ra

st

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ug

r lK

t aa

t

aa

str

od

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hie

Sc

Rosetunne

AN

u

Pa

Bla

Station "Maashaven"

rw

BSO De Kolibrie

Ho

CT

r-

Fig. 8.15 Map of Wpaatesstr. educational facilities Rosebrug in Afrikaanderwijk

LA

Afrikaanderplein

str

eg

k

Basisschool Nelson Mandela

Ka

gw

dij

Afrikaanderwijk

ap

DU

lle

de

Laantje

Beverst

led

Hil

Maliestraa

Putse straat

Klosstraat

t

Pantserstraat

an

rla

de

l Po

IA

an

t

t aa

at

ra

st

aat Slaghekstr ven Zz. sha Maa

250 m

EV

oe G

aa

str

t

Kegelstraa

Wielerstraa

100 m

DS

Vredesplein

la

at

str et W

nd

t aa

Kokerstraat

eg

Van der Vorm-

Mal

Hi

Bibliotheek Afrikaanderwijk

Bu

at

de

tra

ys

OR

ui

oo

t-

Basisschool Nelson Mandela Bloem fonteinstraat

ia

tra

Re

NO

Cr

Voorschool Nelson Mandela

or

KE

ijt

Sp

Steinweg hof

t

aa

str

rs

ye

Be

lk

ss

la

an

a Br W ap

en

VA R

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edijk

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bo

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De

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ven

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Ch

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er

at

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Hi Brede lledijk

ub

stra

in

Voorschool de Globetrotter

Jo

n ane Banstr.

Wig

ple

lw

at

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Nz.

sha

sha

aa

str

Jo

at l Ba

ie t at

Rijn- n have str

Maa

os

t

vl

lle

e Hill

k

en

nh

en

. estr

Bred

ledij

ve

tra

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Kort

av

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Maa

tjesw

Slaghekstraat

ra

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ID

P

Pa

les

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e Hil

n

itte

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Station "Rijnhaven"

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laa utse

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sh

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str

t

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str

Eg

Oleander-

aat sstr

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n t-A

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Sin

rs

Zw

en

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str

tie Re

an

at

ra

r.

st

op

ou

Abc

tte

zo

h Rijn

et W

t als

va

la ria to

ns

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a Tr

Ho

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Putse

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Station "Maashaven"

ELA

laan

de

Station "R'dam Zuid"

e Tw

t

aa

an

la

Ma

at

tra

ns

teij

sS

u rtin

de

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ven

sha

Maa

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ho

tr ys

de

ia t

aa

str

ID

Re

ek

Afrikaanderplein

ap

ha

la

an tia

er

rg

or

Afrikaanderwijk

Ka

eg

De

ris Ch

at

a str

be

Rie

u

Pa

tstr

ur

r

Bu

et Pr

at

ra

st

er

ug

r lK

ala

ka

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Hillekopplein

Rosetunnel

AN

st

at

lk

at ra

st

ha Sc

rw

t aa

LA

at

t

€€

k

at

ra

at

st

tra

ra

as

st

in

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te

ha

ra

st t-

Bloemfonteinstraa

Nz.

dij

g we

ns

ein

we

t Bo

jé on

m co

lle

St

eu

Ja

Cr

B

ma

Mallegat

Hi

OP

n ave

ietl

h

te

oo

Steinweg hof

t

aa

str

rs

e ey

um

Til le

ter Wa sstr. pa

Sc

uc

Sp

Le

edijk

er

at

eg

sth

Fig. 8.14 Map of economy, work andRosebrug income in at Afrikaanderwijk oodstra

nd

edijk

ub

stra

gw

Hi Brede lledijk

Jo

n ane Banstr.

Rijn- n have str

ven

sha

Wig

ui

Po

ad

eg

e Hill

k

ijt

Co

lw

at

Bred

ledij

R

s Ro

lle

e Hill

e Hil

in

f

. estr

Bred

Bred

Maa

ra

tra

e Hill

av

h Rijn

Pa

les

.Z. en Z

ple

ho

Hil

Kort

en

en

Hillekopplein

Station "Rijnhaven"

ve

Van der Vorm-

etk

an

itte

av

de

.W

nh

ka

ala

AN

W .G

ne

ma

ID

Bin

um

Til le

LA

Pe

sth

ZU

.v

OP

ms

tra

at

AN

yc

84 | 160 Saba Golchehr

In the second map all the educational facilities in the neighbourhood are shown. This neighbourhood has several schools, e-centers and a public library. The schools in this neighbourhood are all primary schools. There are no facilities for higher education. In the neighbourhood renewal plan new educational facilities will be realised. In these developments there will also be a new highschool. This development and other planned program will be reflected on in a later chapter where we take a closer look at the current proposal for the renewal of the neighbourhood and the development of the adjacent unbuilt area (see chapter 11).

at ra st

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

This map shows all the supermarkets, retail stores, restaurants, bars, etc. in the Afrikaanderwijk. A concentration of program becomes visible in the two main neighbourhood streets. In the rest of the neighbourhood there is a sprawl of some small scale economic program, mostly existing out of cafés, barbershops and food stores. Due to the rise of large scale retail a lot of the small shops, which facilitated a higher liveliness in the area, disappeared over time. Not only the globalisation was the cause for this. The process of an increase of a homogeneous population group has also caused for a the disappearance of a lot of the small scale retail. Since the shop owners were mostly Dutch natives, which started to move out of the neighbourhood when the concentration of migrants was increasing, the number of small scale retail decreased (Dorman et al, 2007). As mentioned earlier in the theoretical framework, also this process of the diminishing economic variety in the neighbourhood is due to the invasionsuccession-domination phenomena described by Park and Burgess (1925).

LA

Po

n ave

Education

Pik

m-

Economy, work and income


Participation and leisure

Living environment

The map below shows all organisations that are active in the neighbourhood. Not only are the sub-municipality Feijenoord and the housing corporation Vestia active participants in the neighbourhood, there is high number of organisations active varying from religious groups to artists initiatives.

The second map on this page indicates the public space in the neighbourhood. Some special features in the public space of the Afrikaanderwijk are the dyke which runs from the north to the east-border of the neighbourhood. This dyke has a special landscape quality but at the same time causes a fragmentation of the neighbourhood with its urban surroundings. The Afrikaanderwijk is located deeper than the other side of the dyke, for it is an inner-dyke area. The second specific public space in the neighbourhood is the Afrikaanderplein. This is the largest open square in the whole of Rotterdam-South. Because of complaints on noise and abolition the municipality places a gate around the park-area of the square. Also the design of the square has not been a success according to the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. The square which was designed as a field for events is not flexible for other uses. Therefore it has become an empty and desolate public space. The other public spaces in the neighbourhood mostly consist out of semi-private spaces which can be closed off, located within the building blocks. In general a large amount of the public space in the neighbourhood has over time become more private than public space. Most of these transformations are due to a high feeling of unsafety and the results of the necessity of protecting the space against violence and unwished use. t

aa

str ek

la tr. fs

g we m tra m oo St

i ch Ma

at es tra Ro s 2e straat

n selaa

Strijense

Beije rland

at tra rs te

Schild

P ch utsep t l.

bo As

tse Pu

at tra ns

wij de Bo u

Rose-

ot m co Lo

t laa rp Vu u

led w str ars.

Herman

tra at de s

aa t as tr Od

Spoor

rp Vu u at

tra nts ka as

t

Ma H.

ie

ue cq

Zu

Ja

ide

at

Fle str dde aa rus t -

H. R.

as ola sN

H.

yc

P.J .

d oo rsp

aa

rstr oo rsp ide Zu

Hil

an Hillela n raat Costerst

en O.Z.

AAN TSE L DOR D

A.

J.H

de str Vr aa ies t -

aa

t

of sh thu

Maashav

at es tra Ro s

straat

ro nB de an .v

at tra ms Ve e

Hillelaa

i ch Ma

2e straat

n selaa

Strijense

at tra rs te

Ich

Spoor Rose-

g we m tra m oo St

S

TO

Beije rland

Herman

straat

la rp tr. fs ie ot

t

Lo

co

m

P ch utsep t l.

bo As

tse Pu

at tra

an

rla

de

l Po

Gro

r

Schild

raat Costerst

Vu u at

tra

laa rp Vu u

led w str ars.

Hil

an Hillela

at

Fle str dde aa rus t -

H. R.

ka as Ma A. H.

cq

Zu

Ja

ide

nts

as ola ue

aa

yc sN

H.

t

str

P.J .

d rpa oo rsp

str

rstr oo rsp ide Zu

-

de V aa ries t -

aa

t

of sh thu Ich

n

rpa

aa str ek ro nB de an J.H

Ve e

Hillelaa

ns

at

ra

st

250 m

Blokweg

wij

aat

100 m

ningerst

Kokerstraat

Vredes plein

sweg

raat

ijk

t

en

eg

Slaghekstr

Slaghekstraat

W ap

straat

et

N

Laantje

Beverst

led

Hil

Maliestraa

Putse straat

Klosstraat

de

t

t

Pantserstraat

tra at

tjesw

n

elaa

Puts

t aa

de s

at

Laan

aa

str

t

Kegelstraa

Wielerstraa

tra

ns

ie

vli

KE

at

str et W

nd

t aa

l Ba

ie t at

VA R

tra

ys

de

a Br

aa t

tra

Re

an

es nn

as tr

ss

la

tia

ha

at

Od

bo

ee Tw

ijk

d lle Hi

De

ris

Ch

Jo

r fst

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t

t

en O.Z.

aa

str

os

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aa

str

Maashav

en

av

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et W

tra

AAN

sh

on

f

at tra

ho

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t

aa

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rs

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rso

nd

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vl

m

se

1e

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Co

OP

FEIJENOORD Hi

H

an

t

t

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r

n t-A

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n

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str

ve

Station "R'dam Zuid"

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Re

de

r.

str

ha

la

an tia

st

en

eg

De

ris Ch

an

at

ra

op

Blokweg

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Oleander-

er

f

r

la ria to

t als

va

Ma

at

tra

ns

teij

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Rosetunnel

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t Bo

at ra

at

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st

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sweg

t

straat

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st

ns a str

Zw

ter Wa sstr. pa

LA

de

Laantje

raat

ijk

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t

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led

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oe G

t

t aa

ek

k

AN

e Pr

a Tr

at

aa

str

t

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Wielerstraa

ho

at

at ra st

tra

str et W

t aa

ou

rs

ra

st

er

an

at

de

nd

a Br

r fst

Ka

Abc

tte

dij

Afrikaanderplein

Bla

N Pu

m co

jé on

rg

tra

ys

an

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tia

es nn

CT

lle

u

Pa

ap

DU

Station "Maashaven"

LAA

LSE

BRIE

Bu

ss

la

ris

ha

Gro

la

ijk

bo

ee Tw

De

Ch

Jo

at

l Po

an

la

r de

ia

t

at

ra

st

IA

Fig. 8.17 Map of living environment Rosebrug in Afrikaanderwijk

Mallegat

Hi

Afrikaanderwijk at

EV

Vredesplein

aat Slaghekstr ven Zz. sha Maa

250 m

lk

d lle Hi

aa

tra

rs

Kokerstraat

100 m

DS

eg

oo

t-

er

str

Slaghekstraat

W ap

en

OR

Ja

Cr ub

t

or

t

ven

aa

str

sha

os

et W

tie

aat sstr

drie

tra

ns

ie

m

se

l Ba

ie t at

et

NO

gw

Sp

Steinweg hof

t

aa

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rs

ye

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eb

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e Tw

t

tie Re

an

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vli

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edijk

ha Sc

aa

el

ille

Rijn- n have str

tr ys

lle

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ven

sha

ui

en

edijk

Nz.

ijt

Hi Brede lledijk

Jo

n ane Banstr.

at

R

av

en

A

stra

in

eg

e Hill

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ple

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at

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k

en

nh

av

ill

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ledij

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eg

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tra

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ID

tjesw

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Pa

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ve

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sh

on

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Station "Rijnhaven"

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itte

Bin

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f

rstr.

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elaa

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ad

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an

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ad

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FEIJENOORD Hi

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de

n

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t

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ka

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n t-A

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a Tr

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ho

St

ha

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Ho

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Ma

laan zo

ha

Werkgroep Surinamers Feijenoord

Botanische tuin Afrikaanderplein sS

u rtin

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Bla

at

tra

ts nis

TOS Veldlocatie Afrikaanderwijk

Het Gemaal op Zuid

Collectieve tuin en buurthuis ‘De Arend’

AN

b

Rie

ns

de

oe G

Ka

Station "Maashaven"

at

a str

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a str

eg

P Bewonersorganisatie Afikaanderwijk

k Stiching eePameijer

ug

Sportzaal Afrikaanderplein

Stichting Afri

h

Sc

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u

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ap

rs

eu

t Bo

at

Bu

or

er

ma

Rosetunnel

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OP

n ave

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dij Woningcorporatie Vestia k

Speeltuinvereniging Afrikaanderwijk

at

tte

m co

ra

st

lk

Deelgemeente Feijenoord

at

ra Wijkaccomodatie ‘t Klooster st r lK

um

Til le

ter Wa sstr. pa

lle

Afrikaanderwijk

Wijkwinkel/atelier Freehouse

Zz.

Ja

jé on

ha Sc

et Pr

ven

sha

sth

Mallegat

Hi

t-

t

Nz.

rw

Democratische Sociale Vereniging

Bloemfonteinstraa

Kus & Sloop Maa

Zwembad Afrikaanderbad

er

at

Steinweg hof

t

aa

str

rs

ye

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Cr

stra

oo

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e

ub

n ane Banstr.

Wig

Sp

Hi Brede lledijk

dijk Stichting Hille ANMO

Pe

eg

Bred

Jo

k

ledij

e Hil

Bred

eg

nd

B

gw

Co

lw

at

edijk

. Vereniging de Eenheid der Volken n Z.Z

ui

s Ro

lle

tra

ill

eH Kort

ijt

f

ra

les

. estr

R

Po

Fig. 8.16 Map of participation Rosebrug and leisure in at Afrikaanderwijkoodstra

ho

Hil

ave

h Rijn

Pu

in

en

Pa

Hill rede

en

ple

HillekopServicepunt Sportstimulering Feijenoord plein

Station "Rijnhaven"

hav

en

av

en

ve

nh

an

de

itte

Van der Vorm-

etk

ala

ka

.W

ne

ma

AN

W .G

Bin

um

Til le

ID

Pik

sth

ZU

.v

OP

ms

tra

at

AN

Po

LA

t

LA

str

Also the map indicates where leisure activities are found in the neighbourhood. Here the variety is however missing. The leisure in this area is mostly found in the form of sports fields. The only two other important leisure locations are ‘Het Gemaal op Zuid’ consisting out of an exhibition space and the neighbourhood kitchen. The second location is the Botanic garden, which is located of the Afrikaander square. Both of these places are at the same time important and well-known local actors at the scale of the neighbourhood.


t aa str ek

la

Spoor

rp Vu u

Rose-

at tra

tr. fs ie ot

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m

g

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t

we

laa

m

rp

m

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n

at tra rs te As

selaa

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bo tse Pu

at tra ns

wij de

aa t as tr

an

rla

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l Po

Strijense

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tra at de s Od

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at

ra

st

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at

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nts ka as Ma

t

co

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ide

cq

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aa

yc sN

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rpa oo rsp

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d

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str

ola

as

-

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led w str ars.

Hil

an Hillela n en O.Z. Maashav

AAN TSE L DOR D

straat

ro nB de J.H aa

t

of sh thu Ich

at es tra Ro s 2e straat

n selaa

Strijense

Beije rland

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an

at ms Ve e

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t laa rp Vu u

P ch utsep t l.

bo As

tse

Kokerstraat

250 m

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r

Pu

at tra

tra

straat

la rp Vu u at

tra nts ka as

t

Ma A. H.

cq Ja

Herman

Costerst

at

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as ola ue

aa

sN

H.

rpa oo rsp ide Zu

led w str ars.

n

ns

en

100 m

ningerst

wij

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Slaghekstraat

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straat

et

V

swe

raat

ijk

t

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eg

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led

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de

t

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aa

t

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at

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Pantserstraat

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at

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n

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t aa

t

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ns

tra

ie t at

VA R

tra

ys

str

t aa

as tr

tra

Re str et W

nd

r fst

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at

Od

ss

la de

es nn

an

ha

tia

Jo

ris

Ch

De

bo

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ijk

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t

tie Re

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t

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an Hillela

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t

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.v

t aa str ek ro nB de an J.H

Ve e

Hillelaa

f

at tra

ho

ur

es

te

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aa

str

os

eb

aa

en O.Z.

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str

Maashav

en

av

sh

on

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Co

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t

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FEIJENOORD

ille

tie

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Pe

en

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ns

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Hi

H

an

t

el

aa

ve

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str

t

ha

Station "R'dam Zuid"

t

aa

tstr

nis

t

aa

str

od

tlo

hie

Sc

Re

de

Ma

an

at

ra

er

aa

eg

la

ek

sS

u rtin

la ria to

t als

va

ed

str

rw

De

an tia

e Pr

Zw

en

etk

av

r

ris Ch

at ra

st

ns

zo

ter Wa sstr. pa

Rosetunne

at

ra

at

at

st

tra

ra

ha

as

st

st

in

te

g we

ns

ein

we

St

eu in

t Bo

m co

at

at ra st

a Tr

Oleander-

aat sstr

-

drie

ek

n t-A

ho

ra

st

er

rg

r.

rs

Sin

tte

at

a str

be

laan

st

Abc

Pu

Ja

jé on

op

ou

Blokweg

r

straat

ningerst

N

Fig. 8.19 Map showing input of Rosebrug professionals in Afrikaanderwijk

LA

Rie

Putse

Bla

Station "Maashaven"

LAA

LSE

BRIE

oo

Ho

t

Gro

at

ra

st

er

ug

r lK

Binnenplaats als volkstuin, beheerd door omwonende vrouwen

t

Sp

k

de

CT

eg

AN

u

Pa

aa

str

gw

dij

Afrikaanderplein

Ka

ui

Mal

lle

Afrikaanderwijk

ap

DU

sweg

raat

ijk

Maliestraa

an

rla

de

l Po

Laantje

Beverst

led

Hil

Putse straat

Klosstraat

t

Pantserstraat

at

ra

st

aat Slaghekstr ven Zz. sha Maa

250 m

IA

oe G

t

t aa

Kokerstraat

100 m

EV

an

at

aa

str

t

Kegelstraa

Wielerstraa

Winkelstraat Beijerlandselaan

DS

Vredesplein

la

at

str et W

nd

t aa

n

eg

Bu

tra

tra

ys

de

a Br

tjesw

Le

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t

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ss

Re

an

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OR

ijt

Hi

t-

Bloemfonteinstraa

or

bo

la

tia

NO

R

In de ontwikkeling van Parkstad moet dit het centrum van bijeenkomst worden.

Steinweg hof

at

a

tr ss

r

ye

Be

lk

ee Tw

ijk

d lle Hi

De

KE

ijk

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ven

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en

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Schoolplein van basisschool de Tweebos

Ch

Jo

et

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stra

in

lw

at

et Pr

Rijn- n have str

Maa

str

t

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ie

m

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Jo

n ane Banstr.

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ple

nh

en

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ie t at

ra

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av

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str

r fst

vl

Pa

les

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e Hil

Slaghekstraat

itte

Bin

sh

on

Hil

Station "Rijnhaven"

Bred

et W

lle

ille

se

1e

an

rstr.

Passe

ZU

P

.W

Pik

e

f

at tra

es

OP

W .G

e Hill

FEIJENOORD Hi

H tra

t

rs

aa

tie

str

an

er

el

ed

de

n

0m

Eg

Oleander-

aat sstr

-

drie

ek

n t-A

ho

Sin

rs

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t

ve

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t

aa

tie Re

an

at

ra

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tte

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Abc

aa

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tr ys

t als

va

la ria to

ns

e Pr

a Tr

op

Pu

str

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Re

de

12

Ho

Zuidplein

AN

ELA

en

ha

la

an tia

an

la

jongerenvereniging

laan zo

eg

De

ris Ch

er

rg

ia

4

at

tra

ns

teij

MaKocapte moskee en islamitische

Putse

Bla

Station "Maashaven"

ur

te

r

Bu

ek

sS

u rtin

Buurthuis de Arend

de

oe G

ven

sha

Maa

Zz.

uc

st

at ra

st

lk

or t

aa

str

at

a str

be

Rie

u

Gebrek ontmoetingsplekken Afrikaanderplein en programma jongeren

ap

h Station ijnZuid" "R'dam R

Wijkaccomodatie ‘t Klooster

Pa

ala

ka

ZU

Hillekopplein

Rosetunnel

at

ra

at

at

at

st

tra

ra

as

st

in

in

te

ha

ra

st t-

ha Sc

et Pr

at

at

tra

ts nis

LA

AN

Afrikaanderwijk

Ka

k

OP

n ave

hie

Sc

nd

dij

g we

ns

ein

we

t Bo

jé on

m co

lle

Café Pleinzicht alleen voor mannen

Wijkatelier en winkel Freehouse

rw

Gebrek ontmoetingsplekken vrouwen in de wijk. Geen subsidie meer.

ra

st

er

ug

r lK

ma

Mallegat

Hi

St

eu

Ja

r

ye

Be

Gebrek aan variatie in winkel aanbod. Graag drogisterij en supermarkten Bloemfontei nstraat (AH) erbij.

Nz.

oo

Steinweg hof

at

a

tr ss

er

at

Sp

Le

ijk

ed e Hill

Cr

stra

eg

um

Til le

ter Wa sstr. pa

rso

eg

edijk

ub

n ane Banstr.

Rijn- n have str

ven

sha

Wig

gw

Hi Brede lledijk

Jo

k

ui

Co

lw

at

Bred

ledij

e Hil

Bred

ijt

sth

Fig. 8.18 Map showing input Rosebrug of inhabitants in t aa Afrikaanderwijk tloodstr s Ro

lle

e Hill

.Z.

R

f

ill

en Z

Maa

ra

tra

. estr

Bred

hav

Rijn

Pa

les

Station "Rijnhaven"

in

ho

Hil

eH Kort

ple

en

Hillekopplein

en

Po

ad

Stadcentrum

ve

Van der Vorm-

etk

an

itte

av

de

.W

nh

ka

ala

AN

W .G

ne

ma

ID

Bin

um

Til le

LA

Pe

sth

ZU

.v

OP

ms

tra

at

AN

yc

86 | 160 Saba Golchehr

Next to the interviews with the inhabitants, I also conducted interviews with professionals in the neighbourhood. Among these were the area director from the sub-municipality Feijenoord, the housing corporation Vestia, the artist organisation supporting local entrepreneurship Freehouse and a social worker from the Sonor institution. Two main conclusions from these interviews are that the community garden initiative in one of courtyards of a building block has been successful in activating the female inhabitants for the management of the public space. Another focus point which is based on the future developments is the location of the new center of the neighbourhood. By developing a new building which will house the new swimming pool among other public facilities, the housing corporations has a vision in mind of a new central place which will connect the neighbourhood with the adjacent (more affluent) neighbourhood ‘Stadstuinen’.

at ra st

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

In order to introduce another dimension to the analysis of the neighbourhoods program and activities I conducted interviews with inhabitants. These interviews function as a verification of the measured results in the programmatic analysis, but also they point out problematic areas from the residents’ point of view. The map below shows the result of these interviews. The main conclusions of these surveys are the spaces mostly used by the inhabitants and the lacking program in the neighbourhood. For instance one of the conclusions was that most of the everyday grocery shopping happens an adjacent neighbourhood which offers a varying mix of both large retail chains (supermarkets and such) and a high number of ethnic oriented retail and low priced retail. Most residents wish for such a varying program within their own neighbourhood. Another conclusion from these interviews was that there is a lack in meeting places and program for the female and the younger (age fourteen to eighteen) inhabitants of the neighbourhood.

LA

Po

n ave

Input professionals Afrikaanderwijk

Pik

m-

Input residents Afrikaanderwijk


Living field anchor points Combining all these layers of analysis has resulted in the definition several anchor points in the neighbourhood. These anchor points are based on both the quantitative analysis (the concentration of programmatic components) combined with the qualitative analysis (the interviews with inhabitants and professionals). The map on the right hand shows these clusters of program in the neighbourhood. These anchor points are the places in the area which are most frequently used by the neighbourhoods’ inhabitants. Looking at these anchor points we can see that there is no strong variety within the programmatic components of each

cluster. The orange cluster is the anchor point for the economic, work and income related program in the neighbourhood. This cluster is, program-wise, the most homogeneous of the anchor points. The other anchor points are a mix of either educational program combined with public space for leisure activities and/or neighbourhood community centers. The difference between these three anchor points is the alteration in users. The two clusters in the south of the neighbourhood are combinations of educational facilities, playgrounds and community centers. The other cluster exists out of sport fields, playgrounds and a community center. In the next paragraph we will take a closer look at this dissimilarity and what this indicates.

Fig. 8.20 Map of anchor points in Afrikaanderwijk

rstr.

Passe

€€ €

llegat

el

e

RK

EN

OO

Vredesplein

RD

SE

VI

AD

UC

T

eg

kstraat

0m

100 m

250 m

Blokweg


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

88 | 160

daily systems In the previous chapter the concept of daily systems was introduced (see page 67). By analysing the daily system of inhabitants of the neighbourhood, their user pattern can be documented and mapped. This system can then be reviewed in order to characterise and locate different user groups. From this analysis then we can conclude which spatial and functional links are needed for the emancipation of these groups. The analysis is based on interviews with residents. In these interviews the inhabitants were asked to show on a map which places were used frequently and what their daily life/route consists of.

Housing-settlement system According to Rapoport the user patterns of people can be distinguished by looking at their â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;house-settlement systemâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Rapoport, 1977:306). Each person has a house-settlement system. This system is always present, but the specific elements and how they are related and used vary. Different behaviour settings form the house settlement system. So while the system itself is constant, the specific nature of the elements and their relative importance are extremely variable. Rapoport states that different elements make up the system and different groups are involved that have different relations. The house-settlement system is influenced by family relations, social networks, sex roles, work patterns and the like. And in turn the housesettlement influences them. Lifestyle generally influences the use of the house-settlement system and the specific use of a space is related to the distinction among domains, the relevant rules (as in religions) and the latent aspects of activities (which often determine whether they occur in front or back regions). Furthermore the use of each setting has major implications for the design for specific groups (Rapoport, 1977). According to Ashihara (1970 in Rapoport, 1977) every city has an internal and external order. The house-settlement system of Rapoport links these orders, the private and public domains and determines them in a way. Both orders are interrelated and influence each other. Therefore the parts (as one single public space) themselves are incomprehensible without some knowledge of the whole system. According to Rapoport it is necessary to know what happens in the house, where one works, meets, socializes, where public life occurs and so on. The different house-settlement systems reflect different values, social networks of various groups, unwritten rules, public and private domains, the settings where various activities occur and so on.

The differences in these systems, and their spatial organization, can have major effects on planning and design at all scales. So in order to answer to the needs of the residents of the deprived neighbourhood, one must have a certain amount of knowledge on their housing-settlement system. In the case of the migrant population in the Afrikaanderwijk the housing-settlement system is influenced highly by the Islamic religion. Figure 8.21 shows the house-settlement system in a Moslem town in which the coffeehouses, bazaar and mosque are male dominated places. Especially the coffeehouse is an essential informal meeting place where men can socialize, engage in intellectual discussion, exchange gossip and do business; women never go there (Beeley, 1970 in Rapoport, 1977). The illustration also shows that the womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s use is much more related in and around the dwelling. In order to propose a future transformation and renewal development for the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk that answers to the peoples needs, the daily system of the female inhabitants is reviewed. As mentioned earlier this neighbourhood is strongly dominated and influenced by the Islamic culture. The male inhabitants dominate most of the public spaces in the neighbourhood, therefore the female inhabitants now are not allowed to access these spaces. Also in the living fields analysis it became clear from the input of the inhabitants that specifically women and young adults in the neighbourhood have no common space in the neighbourhood to gather and meet other inhabitants belonging to their group. Therefore I managed to specifically interview the women in the neighbourhood during this research. Furthermore this group has the most local and neighbourhood related user patterns, as we saw in the theory of Rapaport (1977). So the female group is an important group to involve in order to develop public areas which

Fig. 8.21 House settlement system in Moslem town (Rapoport, 1977)


will be used by the neighbourhoods residents and where the emancipation and progressive integration of these groups can take place.

Daily system non-Western female residents After conducting several interviews with non-Western female inhabitants of the neighbourhood, a clear daily rhythm could be distinguished. The womanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s daily system exists of first bringing the children to school, then going to work (if she is employed), some women were active in the neighbourhoods community garden which they would visit in between or after her work, then the daily groceries are done (mostly outside the neighbourhood) after which the children would be picked up from school and finally it is time to head home and prepare dinner for the family.

In the typology of the place for shopping we see a very diverse offer in retail. One can not only find the large chain stores here (as Albert Heijn, Blokker, Etos, etc.), but there is a mix of low priced shops and ethnic oriented shops found here. In the interviews with all inhabitants this street was the place where all daily groceries were bought. From this we can conclude that there is a need of a mix of high and low end retail for the non-Western inhabitants of the neighbourhood. This outcome is used in the development of my method, which will be elaborated further in the next chapter.

This system is translated to the map on the right. It becomes clear that their daily system is very local, furthermore it is almost entirely neighbourhood-based. Only one aspect in their daily pattern happens outside of the neighbourhoods boundaries. As I mentioned the women mostly do their grocery and other shopping in another neighbourhood. In order to find out why this occurs I looked at the typology of these spaces in their daily system. By looking at these typologies we can find out what places are needed and used by these groups. In the image on the next page these typologies are shown.

Fig. 8.22 Daily system of a Turkish female inhabitant of Afrikaanderwijk

A B C

A B C


ra at an tst

fs tr.

g

Lo

t

we

laa

m tra m oo St

ch i Ma

at ug

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1

Hi

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250 m

tra

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br

Gro

raat

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t aa str te r

2e

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at

ra

st

at

100 m

Beije rla

f ho lvi a

-

e

ld

Po

an

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a

tra Bevers

Sa

Schild

P ch utsep t l.

bo As

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tse

at tra

wij ns

de

at tra as Od

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t aa de

str at

lle

at

ra

st

tr

at ra

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g we

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rstra

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eg

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at tra Kegelstraat

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90 | 160 Saba Golchehr

Vu u

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IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

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Fig. 8.23 Daily system of a Turkish female inhabitant shown on map

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92 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Fig. 8.25 Photo of recently arrived migrant girls in Afrikaanderwijk in 1979 (de Hartogh, 1981)


METHOD


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

94 | 160

proposed method In the last chapter several analytical methods have been used to study the project location. All these methods and conclusions are part of a system. This chapter will handle the assemblage of the theoretical and analytical framework into a methodological system. This system is a proposal of a different way to deal with developments used to upgrade deprived neighbourhoods. This system is illustrated in a diagram spread over the next four pages. The method is initiated by an intervention in the morphological structure of the neighbourhood. By creating new connections a new hierarchy arises in the street network of this area. This street network is divided into three orders. These orders will each have a different guideline for their spatial and functional development. Before heading to the output it is necessary to address the theoretical concepts which were used in order to develop this system. In the theoretical and analytical framework chapter these theories have been introduced, therefore I will merely summarize these concepts shortly here. The network theory states that in order to achieve a social mix of different communities within a neighbourhood, it is necessary to create a centered neighbourhood. Accordingly, the center of the neighbourhood should be connected to the supergrid of the city. With this intervention a situation is created that will enhance interaction and integration of different community groups in the society. Rapaport (1987) also talks about different communities moving on different scale levels of the city. He shows a distinction between lifestyles and user patterns of high and middle class groups next to working class inhabitants of Paris. These last groups are mostly dependant on their neighbourhood for their daily user patterns. Also the difference of uses and networks between male and female groups within the islamic culture are handled. From his studies he concludes that the user patterns of women are very closely related to the location of their house and its immediate surroundings (see previous chapter: p.88). The men are more independent of their dwelling location and use spaces further away from the house, but still often within the borders of the neighbourhood. The concept of beneficial concentration is based on theories about cultural enclaves and social capital, which I used to elaborate my concept of a more progressive form of integration. The conclusions from these theories I will summarize briefly. Marcuse (1997) describes the cultural enclave as a place where the migrant community is strengthened in their position in the

host country. With this strong structure of ethnical bonds within a neighbourhood, new migrants are received and supported in their first steps of integration in mainstream society. The overall position of the migrant community is strengthened which leads to the emancipation of these groups in the new country of residence. Putnam (2000) handles the different types of social capital of human beings. In the case of the ethnic minority groups, the bonding social capital are the ties with others from the same cultural background. The bridging capital are the social ties with the indigenous population. Studies on these forms of human capital have now shown that an increase of bonding social capital will automatically lead to the increase of bridging capital. This bridging capital is needed for these groups in order to integrate into mainstream society. I also introduced the emancipation concept and the ladders of human capital. The diagram shows these steps in the orders of the hierarchical system. Also the conclusions from the theory are placed in this diagram. This indicates what level of social mix, answering to this situation, is wished for in each order of the hierarchy. All these features result in proposed principles for the spatial approach.

Criteria The next step following the theoretical concepts is their translation to physical outputs. In order to do this I have summarized criteria for each order of the hierarchical system. These criteria I have first set in the form of attributes and program belonging to the order. After setting these guidelines, the analytical dimension is introduced in the diagram. Here the clusters and the daily systems are categorised into the different orders. The aforementioned criteria are used to make this taxonomy. The next step is the translation of the analysis and the criteria into principles for the development of the neighbourhood. The next paragraph will elaborate further on these principles.


fold-out


THEORY REVIEW

3. Participation in cultural group (in neighbourhood)

2. Production at homeworkspace

2. Use of shops/schools and neighbour contact

OWN INPUT

1. Arrival in area with same culture

SOCIAL CAPITAL

3. Production cluster & connectivity in neighbourhood (accessibility)

- homogeneous (cultural groups) - heterogeneous (age groups) - cultural clusters - male dominated - neighbourhood oriented - ethnical enclave on neighbourhood scale

- homogeneous (gender related) - female dominated - protected/ hidden - not immediataly visible - cultural clusters - semi-public/ private space - user group oriented

- large scale retail (AH, etos, etc.) - small scale affordable retail - ethnicity oriented retail - public space answering to ethnic and indigenous populationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s use - market as supra-local attractor

- small scale retail - flexible use of plinths in (existing) housing blocks - workshops (male inhabitants) - sportfields (youngsters)

- small scale retail - social meeting place females (tea room) - playgrounds childeren - allotments/ community garden (female work place) - workshops (female inhabitants) - free/ flexible plinths in housing blocks

CLUSTERS

SPATIAL CONFIGURATION

PLANNING

ANALYSIS

PROGRAM

GOALS

Moser (2007)

Van Kempen (1998) Putnam (2000) Marcuse (1997)

THEORY ETHNIC CONCENTRATION

Read (2005) Rapaport (1977)

NETWORK THEORY

EMANCIPATION MACHINE

4. Skill improvement and education

4. Participation in community groups (like women-club)

1. Arrival with (very basic) production skills

- social mix - interaction - exchange of goods - public space for everyone - mixed program (for high/ middle and low income groups) - main attractors of ethnic enclave - city/ region oriented - accessibility of cultural and historical heritage

5. Participation in neighbourhood processes (decision power)

5. Shop-space rental on main street (or main distributor)

FINANCIAL CAPITAL

3rd ORDER

2nd ORDER

1st ORDER

HIERARCHY

CRITERIA

- recognition of active local stakeholders - collaboration of larger and smaller stakeholders - municipality as investor of public space - (sub-) municipality has an active role - facilitate a stakeholder consensus in order to create equillibrium in decision power

- municipality has a passive role - (sub-) municipality as facilitator instead of director - recognition and protection of local stakeholders - residents choice incorporated in decision making - empowering local initiative - work groups of larger and local stakeholders for the development of the new area

ANALYTICAL REVIEW


CRITERIA

PROFILES

BUILDING TYPOLOGY

DAILY SYSTEMS

PRINCIPLES

legend dwelling commerce workshop

legend dwelling commerce workshop

+

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legend dwelling commerce workshop

OWN INPUT Fig. 9.3 Scheme of proposed method with theoretical & analytical framework and an output of design principles


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

98 | 160

fold-out


principles The assemblage of the theory, concepts, analysis and criteria has led to a set of principles for the study area. These principles are the translation of the aforementioned combination of inputs. For each order a set of principles has been made. These principles exist of building typologies, street profiles and general and programmatic outputs. The first order is a place for social interaction of different communities. A space for the exchange of culture and goods. A public space that answers to the needs of a broad audience. It should be a space with a supra-local identity, so it can function as an attractor of a wide range of users. These criteria have been translated into development principles for spaces which belong to the first order in the hierarchical system. For the building typology in this system it means that the buildings connected to this system should have a commercial plinth. Also the building height may not be under four layers in order to retain the urban character of these streets. Furthermore, the historical and cultural buildings of a neighbourhood should have a clear relation with this order. Secondly the street profiles also have to answer to the urban character of this order. Broad pedestrian lanes are desired along the commercial plinths. Also the public spaces (parks, squares, etc.) connected to this order need to answer to the use of different groups. For instance the Dutch population desires terraces in order to enjoy their leisure time, while the migrant population likes to use the green space for family picnics (Van Dorst, 2008). Lastly the program in this order also needs to be of a diverse character. Next to large stores (like Blokker, Etos, etc.), smaller shops need to be found as well (like a Turkish bakery or a affordable shoe store).

to the second one. The main difference between the two is the different user groups. While the second order is very male focused, the third order will be developed for the female use. The reason for this is because this order is a non direct visible space for outsiders. This is of importance because of the dominant islamic culture among the residents of this neighbourhood. Any public space which is used by the male inhabitants is immediately un-accessible for female users. By assigning the third order to female users the goal is to protect these users and giving them equal rights to the use of public goods. In this way the women can claim their own cluster in the neighbourhood which is very focused on the functional and spatial requirements of these users. In order to create a less accessible and protected space, the optimal building typology answering to this is the building block. Within this block the space is semi-private and answers to the spatial demands of the female (ethnic) user group. The public space answering to the needs of these groups is a mix of productive space (like a community garden or allotments) and playgrounds for their younger children. Also the program linked to this order and its clusters is based on the female use. In the interviews with the neighbourhood inhabitants it became clear that there is no meeting place for the women in the neighbourhood at the moment. So in this cluster programmatic components should facilitate gathering places for the women (like tea houses). In this order there will also be a development of workshops, but again for the use of the female inhabitants. This order is again homogeneous in terms of gender and cultural groups (these cultural groups may vary in ethnic backgrounds however) and heterogeneous in terms of age groups.

The second order has a much more local character that the first order. In this order the focus lies on the male and the young adult inhabitants. The program for this layer consists of small scale retail, workshops and public space focused on the use of these groups. The existing cluster of functions which is assigned to these groups exists of a community center, playgrounds and sport fields. In the building typology the plinths of the buildings are used for small scale retail and workshops for the male inhabitants. The street profiles exist of neighbourhood street with a residential character. The public spaces in this order are used as gathering places for the young adults in the neighbourhood. In order to create a natural social control of these areas they are linked to program for the male inhabitants of the ethnic groups. This way there will be a development of clusters with combinations of programs for a homogeneous group in terms of gender and cultural background, but at the same time heterogeneous in terms of age groups. The third order focuses on the female inhabitants of the neighbourhood. In its characteristics this order is quite similar

Fig. 9.2 Principles used for design proposals

&

1st order

2nd & 3rd order


100 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

9,1

4,8 Fig. 9.4 Transformation of streetprofiles answering to the first order in the hierarchy

4,4

2,5

6,9

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9,6


PLANNING FRAMEWORK


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With the regeneration process of the neighbourhood, Vestia has put an emphasis on a social approach of the renewal development. In the development of the neighbourhood vision, together with the sub-municipality Feijenoord, the aim was to incorporate the residentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; voice in the renewal developments. We will return to this in the next paragraph on the planning hierarchy.

islaa

Vestia aims to use the financial benefits of this plan to upgrade some of the existing buildings in the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk. The housing corporation has a high stake in the renewal of this neighbourhood, since they own more than eighty percent of the housing stock in the neighbourhood.

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The empty area is given to the housing corporation Vestia by the municipality of Rotterdam. Vestia is one of the largest housing corporations in the Netherlands. The foundation rents out approximately 89,000 homes and 8,000 other rental units, such as shops and business premises. Their property is spread throughout the Netherlands, with a concentration in the province of South Holland. The housing corporation is headquartered in Rotterdam.

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Currently there is a proposal for the urban regeneration of Afrikaanderwijk and the development of the empty piece of land on the border of this neighbourbood. The goal for the development of this land is to keep existing and attract new high and middle income groups to the South of Rotterdam. By constructing private housing and rent apartments in the highest price sector this goal is aimed to be achieved.

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IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

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IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

104 | 160

Developments until the year 2016 The previous map showed the vision for the development of the whole area in the next twenty years. However, in order for the housing corporation to be able to develop the whole area, first the started developments need to prove their success. In order to develop the whole area, the houses developed in the first phase of the renewal need to be sold or rented. The map on the next page shows this first phase of the development. In this plan the first block, which is the building located most north on the map, is now almost finished. In this block there is a mix of high priced rent apartments and two-floor private houses. The housing corporation Vestia is already coping with the stagnation of the selling of the houses. Not only the economic climate and the housing market that is locked at the moment has

led to this stagnation. There has also been a lack in research on groups that would buy the private houses. The housing corporation claims to be building for the social climbers of the neighbourhood. However up to now there has been merely one household which was able to buy one of the dwellings in the new developments. Furthermore, since the selling and renting of the dwellings is stagnating, the chances for a further development of the area and the renewal of the existing neighbourhood by this housing corporation are very low. On top of this recently the housing corporation Vestia almost went bankrupt. Due to the financial problems of the corporation the chances of a further development of this area are almost diminished. In the evaluation of this thesis, where I build up my recommendations to the planning system for deprived neighbourhoods I will return to these proceedings. Fig. 10.3 Current development of Parkstad

development of Parkstad can only continue if these private houses are sold

selling 1 house every 2 months


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Due to the current unclarity of the future layout of this centrally located piece of land in the city, an ongoing debate is started about the development of this land. In this debate different parties bring in their own interest. We already know the interest of the housing corporation. They wish to connect this piece of land and its developments to the deprived neighbourhood and the regeneration of this neighbourhood. The municipality on the other hand would like to see this area as a continuation of the Kop van Zuid and its high economic urban character. Their main interest is to keep the land price of this area high by building expensive apartment blocks, similar to the adjacent neighbourhood of ‘Stadstuinen’. A third opinion in this debate is that of the alderman of Housing, Spatial Planning and Real Estate. According to him (interview 21-02-2012) the current housing market does not allow

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

106 | 160

Conflicting interests

Fig. 10.5 Bird’s-eye view of Afrikaanderwijk (maps.google. com)

for more expensive apartment blocks to be developed. Instead he wishes to see two-floor private houses developed on this land. The other parties mark this idea as impossible, because the wide street profile running along this area can not suddenly differ from an eight floor building block typology to two floor private houses. In this debate it becomes clear that in order to protect the weaker residents in the area there is a need for a stakeholder consensus in the development of this land. In the next two paragraphs I will first elaborate the current planning system in which the zoning plan for the area was created. Then I will propose a new planning system, using the criteria which are set by the proposed methods and principles described earlier.


Municipality

Fig. 10.6 Ongoing debate of large stakeholders on future developments

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IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

108 | 160

current planning system The current zoning plan for Parkstad is a result of a hierarchical system of decision making processes. Each system sets guidelines for the development each scale level, which are: the Randstad, the South-Holland region, the city of Rotterdam and the sub-municipality of Feijenoord. On the national agenda we find the Vision Randstad 2040 (Structuurvisie Randstad 2040) and the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Nota Ruimteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; as principles for the development of the Randstad region. The goals described in these documents are for example the restructuring, urban renewal and transformation in order to resolve socio-economic and socio-cultural issues. Another goal is to densify the Randstad region. By the year 2040 when 500,000 new dwellings should be realised. On the regional agenda this task is translated in a dwelling program of 65,000 houses from 2010 to 2020 within the city region of Rotterdam. In this program 36,800 houses will be new developments and 28,200 are replacements of existing houses. The municipal agenda holds the development guidelines for the area of Parkstad. This plan should contribute to the making of a real urban milieu in the South of Rotterdam. Furthermore it should neutralize the barriers that are currently separating the old neighbourhoods. Also the new developments should enhance the residential qualities of the neighbourhood. Some principles that are set for the development are: - the area as a connector of the Afrikaanderwijk and the Kop van Zuid neighbourhoods; - a jump over the dyke: extending two neighbourhood streets to the larger network street of the city; - a jump over the Laan op Zuid: connecting the east and west neighbourhoods along this street; - urban blocks: using the urban typology of building blocks to connect the Afrikaanderwijk to its adjacent neighbourhoods; - parks as quality impuls: smaller parks should be developed in order to enhance the quality of the immediate living environment (Parkstad Bestemmingsplan, 2011). The last hierarchical dimension is the sub-municipality Feijenoord. They wish to develop the area as a new urban node for the South of Rotterdam. In their development vision Parkstad is a central area which should contain large scale facilities and program, contrary to the small scale program in the neighbourhood. They wish to develop the large scale program on the edges of the neighbourhoods, as a corridor development, and keep the small scale activities inside the neighbourhoods.

In this top-down system of the development of this area there is a concentration of decision making that happens at the level of the municipality and the sub-municipality. The only moment where an input of existing inhabitants is possible is in the development of the neighbourhood vision. Here the voice of the inhabitants is integrated in order to underpin some decisions. Only a small number of the inhabitantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; input is taken into consideration of the further development of the plans. After this the zoning plan is formulated in which building and design rules are legally established. This means that there is no room for change when the zoning plan is developed. In other words there is no flexibility of this kind of planning system on the level of development. In order to incorporate the needs of the inhabitants and the weakest people, a planning system is needed that answers to these changing demands. So a system is needed that is responsive and flexible so that there can be a constant review on the effects of a development and so that there is a certain flexibility in order to be able to adapt to peoples needs. The scheme on the next page show the summary of the planning system. In the next paragraph I will introduce a different planning system. This change in the normative dimension is needed in order to allow my design method, which is more related to a stakeholder consensus.


Interests

Government policy

- Transformation of un-used land - Densifying and restructuring - Solving socio-cultural and socioeconomic problems

Provincial policy

- Housing task of 65.000 dwellings until 2020 in Rotterdam region - Controlled mobility growth - Rules on content 驶bestemmingsplan始

Municipal policy

- Remove barriers that seperate old neighbourhoods - Increase the attractivity of areas - Well accesible city centre - Retain high income groups

Concept Masterplan

- Creating parks to integrate the old neighbourhoods with the new neighbourhoods

Urban design Parkstad/ Afrikaanderwijk

- Urban design rules: 1. Connect adjacent neighbourhoods 2. Jump over the dyk 3. Jump over Laan op Zuid 4. Building block typology 5. Parks as quality impulse

Submunicipal policy

- Central neighbourhood - Large-scale program on edges of neighbourhood - Small scale program within neighbourhoods

Neighbourhood vision

Residents voice

- Neighbourhood-oriented approach - Some programatic guidelines based on interviews with residents

驶Bestemmingsplan始 Narrows possibilities. Is not flexible. No room for small-scale and private developments. No social responsibility. Only fysical rules.

Fig. 10.7 Current planning hierarchy and development interests of each scale level


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

110 | 160

proposed planning system In a previous chapter I introduced the system answering to the goal of a progressive integration and an emancipation of the migrant community in the deprived neighbourhood. From the translation of a theoretical framework into the concept of an emancipation machine I have set some criterias that answer to the goal of integration. These criteria exist of goals for the level of social mix and the accessory program of these levels. Furthermore the criteria sets goals for the planning system. These goals need to be achieved in order to facilitate a progressive integration of the real users (the ethnic minorities) and in order to pursue a long term transformation of the neighbourhood, the city and the region. The goal of the planning system, answering to the principles, is that each intervention needs to recognise the urban structure (connectivity, program, public space, etc.). At the same time each intervention needs to recognise the active stakeholders, in order to be able to keep a flexibility in the neighbourhoods transformation and in order to answer to the concept of the emancipation machine. So the planning process is the progressive integration of the real users and the local drivers in order to keep a long term transformation. The current planning process is challenged under the aforementioned long term transformation. In the introduction of the thesis I explained why the planning process in challenged at the moment. The planning system does not consider the migrant in a long term transformation of the urban environment. As I proved before, the migration is a fixed factor in the future of the Netherlands. Therefore in the long term planning for the Randstad region this factor needs to be considered. If this is not considered the gap between the ethnic minorities and the indigenous population will become larger and the decay of existing and new neighbourhoods of concentration will increase (see paragraph 1.6). So the hypothesis is that the future potentials of the neighbourhoods of ethnic concentration are more positive, if these are integrated in the neighbourhood renewal planning. In order to investigate if this consideration of the integration of these groups is a more flexible way of planning, the UN-habitat toolkit for participatory urban decision making is used (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 2001). The tools of this toolkit are translated into a participatory planning system for the urban renewal of the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk. This new participatory planning system and the UN-Habitat toolkit will be elaborated on the following pages. This chapter will conclude with a review on this proposed participatory planning system for the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk, in order to terminate if this new system answers to the consideration of the weaker residents in the urban renewal

planning and whether it is a flexible system of transformation for the long term development of the neighbourhood.

UN-habitat toolkit Urban governance is a process which is highly dynamic. Responsibilities and competencies are constantly transformed, as well as the tasks of the local authorities and their partners in urban management. Due to this dynamicity there is a constant demand for new â&#x20AC;&#x153;management toolsâ&#x20AC;? to support the processes of improved urban governance. In order to meet this demand there have been several institutions developing tools and guidelines for urban governance. The United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat) has also made a contribution to this. In their participatory urban decision making toolkit four phases are described. Phase one is the preparation and stakeholder mobilization. Phase two is issue prioritisation and stakeholder commitment. The third phase consists of a strategy formulation and implementation. The last phase is the follow-up and consolidation (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 2001). The image on the right illustrates these phases and the used tools within these phases.

Fig. 10.8 UNhabitat participatory decision making toolkit scheme showing the four phases and their stages (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 2001)


Interests

Government policy

- Transformation of un-used land - Densifying and restructuring - Solving socio-cultural and socioeconomic problems

Provincial policy

- Housing task of 65.000 dwellings until 2020 in Rotterdam region - Controlled mobility growth - Rules on content ʻbestemmingsplanʼ

Municipal policy

- Remove barriers that seperate old neighbourhoods - Increase the attractivity of areas - Well accesible city centre - Retain high income groups

Concept Masterplan

- Creating parks to integrate the old neighbourhoods with the new neighbourhoods

Interventions - No more emphasis on physical mix and attracting new inhabitants - New focus on emancipation of existing residents and empowering weakest residents

- Enhancing network cityneighbourhood - Invest in cultural enclave

- Establishing goals to improve social situation (not only physical)

Urban design Parkstad/ Afrikaanderwijk

- Urban design rules: 1. Connect adjacent neighbourhoods 2. Jump over the dyk 3. Jump over Laan op Zuid 4. Building block typology 5. Parks as quality impulse

Submunicipal policy

- Central neighbourhood - Large-scale program on edges of neighbourhood - Small scale program within neighbourhoods

Neighbourhood vision

- Neighbourhood-oriented approach - Some programatic guidelines based on interviews with residents

ʻBestemmingsplanʼ

- New development rules for design: going against corridor developments

- Including neighbourhoods as potential development scale for larger programs (no more corridor development)

- More flexible plan with inclusion of residentsʼ initiatives

Residents choice

Focus on different groups top-down. And bottom-up development on the basis of initiatives of residents.

Fig. 10.9 Proposed interventions and change in incorporation moment of residents input


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The stage of stakeholder mobilisation is needed in order to build an inclusive consensus through consultations which involve the full range of local participants. This local ownership and commitment is a critical condition for the ability to improve the urban governance. In the UN-Habitat toolkit the focus in this stage lies in the mobilising key or lead stakeholders. However ultimately, all of the relevant stakeholders should be involved in the process, which are: those who are affected by a priority issue; those who possess information, resources and expertise needed for strategy formulation and implementation; and those who control implementation instruments. UN-Habitat states that finding ways and means to identify and involve representatives of vulnerable and marginalized groups who are typically not well represented, especially those representing the poor and women, is a major challenge.

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The first phase is the preparatory and stakeholder mobilisation. This phase initiates the participatory decision-making process. The major stages, according to the UN-Habitat toolkit, are: mobilising stakeholders; issue and city profiling; and identifying key issues. This phase focuses on: the identifying and mobilising of stakeholders; raising awareness and understanding; preparing systematic, focused profiles; organising core consultative groups; and beginning identification of key issues. The goal of this phase is to involve relevant partners, to create base line information and to create a consensus on key issues leading to a framework agreement (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 2001). The first stage of this phase is of greatest importance in the participatory process for the neighbourhood renewal. Therefore I will now elaborate further on this stage.

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IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

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The urban decision making toolkit of UN-Habitat has been the guiding document for the proposal of a participatory planning system in the neighbourhood renewal of Afrikaanderwijk. Since the context for the participatory system is quite different that the context which the UN-Habitat toolkit is oftenly used for (for example in Lusaka, Zambia, or Cochabamba, Bolivia) some adjustments and additions were required. On the other hand, the systematic classification of the four phases in the toolkit are globally as well as locally suitable. Therefore the participatory planning approach for the neighbourhood renewal is in like manner categorized in these phases.

The second phase in the urban decision making process is the issue prioritisation and stakeholder commitment. The stages within this phase exist of: elaborating issues; building collaboration and forging consensus; and formalising commitment on ways forward. This activities of this phase are: building on profiling and other information; preparing systematic overviews; preparing and implementing the City Consultation; using the consultation event to generate enthusiasm and cooperation and to formulate agreements on priority issues and concrete steps to be taken, including institutional mechanisms and operational activities (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 2001). For this second phase the expected outcomes are a formal political and LA AN OP ZU stakeholder commitment, strategy outlines and agreements on ID the specific next steps to be taken. Bin

Saba Golchehr

112 | 160

Participatory planning Afrikaanderwijk

Fig. 10.11 Example of a platform where stakeholders and individuals can offer or ask services and develop initiatives (giveaminute.info)


Furthermore in this second phase an urban pact is developed in PRINCIPLES order to “allow negotiated agreements between partners to be formalised and their commitments towards actions concretised” (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 2001: p.16). In the neighbourhood renewal of Afrikaanderwijk this urban pact is translated into the form of development principles. These are the principles that follow from the system based on a review on the theoretical and analytical framework. In this phase the criteria for the analysis of the area followed by the principles forming development guidelines are presented. Of course in practice the + urban pact is a negotiated agreement between the wide range of stakeholders in the urban development. In this proposal however I have modeled this pact in the form of development principles. These principles are based on a collaboration of different stakeholders’ interests, translated into concrete spatial and + programmatic outputs in order to reach a progressive integration.

- recognition of active local stakeholders - collaboration of larger and smaller stakeholders - municipality as investor of public space - (sub-) municipality has an active role - facilitate a stakeholder consensus in order to create equillibrium in decision power

- large scale retail (AH, etos, etc.) - small scale affordable retail - ethnicity oriented retail - public space answering to ethnical and indigenous populationʼs use - market as supra-local attractor

- small scale retail - flexible use of plinths in (existing) housing blocks - workshops (male inhabitants) - sportfields (youngsters)

CRITERIA

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BUILDING TYPOLOGY

CLUSTERS

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ANALYSIS SPATIAL CONFIGURATION

PROGRAM

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Fig. 10.11 Analytical part and principles from the proposed method

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- small scale retail - social meeting place females (tea room) - playgrounds childeren - allotments/ community garden (female work place) - workshops (female inhabitants) - free/ flexible plinths in housing blocks

commerce

- municipality has a passive role - (sub-) municipality as facilitator instead of director - recognition and protection of local stakeholders - residents choice incorporated in decision making - empowering local initiative - work groups of larger and local stakeholders for the development of the new area

workshop

So the second phase of the participatory process exists of, next to the proposed stages of UN-habitat, the development of an analytical vocabulary and the formulation of guiding principles. In this added stage the criteria for the analytical methods and instruments are negotiated and fixed. Furthermore the principles for the development of the neighbourhood are additionally agreed upon. With this a jointly developed vision for the sustainable, OWN INPUT long term development of the neighbourhood is expressed in this phase.

+

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ANALYTICAL REVIEW

CRITERIA

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PRINCIPLES DAILY SYSTEMS

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legend dwelling commerce workshop

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OWN INPUT

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+

&


114 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

clarify which interventions are needed and which of these projects have priority in order to trigger the motor of the emancipation machine. The second added stage is the formulation of smaller, very local and larger stakeholder workgroups. In these workgroups an equilibrium of power should be achieved between the wide scope of stakeholders. A composition of larger stakeholders, which carry the means and are therefore necessary for the financing of the projects, and small local stakeholder, which have the expertise and knowledge of the functioning of the neighbourhood, is the goal of this aggregation. These workgroups will share the right amount of apparatus and practical information that is needed to develop interventions that will respond to both the global as the very local forces of transformation.

The third phase is the strategy formulation and implementation. The stages in this phase exist of: formulating priority strategies; negotiating and agreeing action plans; designing and implementing demonstration projects; and integration projects and plans into strategic approaches. During this phase issues are clarified; strategic options are elaborated and evaluated; action plans are developed and negotiated; plans and strategies are confirmed through Review Workshops (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 2001: p.13); demonstration projects are implemented; strategies and projects and action plans are integrated across sectors and geographical areas; and differences, gaps and conflicts are reconciled. The aimed outcomes of this phase are strategy frameworks, negotiated detailed action plans, demonstration projects, wider strategies and over-all integration of approaches.

These workgroups will moreover be formed as a result of the project locations designated by the local strategy. These locations answer to different orders in the system (see chapter 10. Method) and therefore also differ in the scope of involved stakeholders. For instance, a project on the first order is the transformation of the market and the Afrikaander-square. This project lies on the scale of the city and the region, and is therefore focused on more professional local stakeholders. While other projects located in the second and third order can be more informal and leave space for residents’ initiatives.

In this third phase I have added two stages for the participatory process of the neighbourhood development. These are: the development of a local strategy; and forming local/larger stakeholder workgroups. In the second phase the analytical tools and the principles for the development were set. In this following phase these tools will be translated into a local strategy for the development of the neighbourhood. This strategy will show which areas need to be developed in order to realise the proposed method, that will facilitate a more progressive integration of the ethnic population of the neighbourhood. So the local strategy will

Participatory Planning

1. Municipality 2. Sub-municipality 3. Freehouse 4. Kus & Sloop 5. Gemaal op Zuid 6. Botanische tuin 7. Market stallholders 8. Creative Factory 9. Pameijer 10. LCC ʻt Klooster

Kus&Sloop

Association Pameijer

LCC ʻt Klooster

Market stallholders Submunicipality Feijenoord

Freehouse

Botanical garden Kocapte Mosque

Het Gemaal op Zuid Creative Factory

Fig. 10.12 Example of a stakeholder workgroup for Afrikaanderwijk


The example of the market is used to illustrate the format of this stage. After the stakeholder workgroup is established, the group goes into discussion about their interests and goals. Using the criteria from the principles, the location is analysed and resulting from this a design proposal is made for the development of this area. After the implementation of this design, the project is integrated in the strategic approach. This is important in order to generate awareness and to integrate them into local government executive and/or legislative resolutions. Thus it will “become officially rooted in the governmental apparatus” (United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 2001: p.9). The fourth phase of the urban decision making process in the follow-up and consolidation. The stages in this last phase exist of: implementing action plans; monitoring and evaluation; upscaling and replication; and institutionalisation. This phase aims to implement action plans in a participatory and cross-sectoral process; to develop and maintain a monitoring process to ensure information about the progress of that implementation; to use evaluation to capture lessons of experience; to begin to replicate and upscale the activities, based the aforementioned lessons; and to continue with steady activities designed to “build in”the process into the city’s institutions and stakeholders. The outcomes of this phase include a continuous monitoring of process and results, an evaluation of outcomes, feedback and adjustment, replication and upscaling of interventions and an institutionalisation of the process. The added stage in this phase is the evaluation of the principles, methods and overall system (see chapter 10. Method). This final phase of the process aims to put the whole participatory development process onto a long-term basis. In order to answer to this long-term basis a constant review on the conditions for the spatial programming, but also on the scope of the stakeholders is needed. The evaluation is therefore necessary in order to allow the system to be flexible and responding to future transformations of the neighbourhood as well as the larger forces of transformation as the normative dimension (like new governmental policies on migration and urban renewal). So in this phase the analytical methods and the proposed principles are reviewed in order to evaluate if they keep answering to the goal of progressive integration and the emancipation of the neighbourhoods inhabitants. The scheme on the following pages show the described phases and their implementation in the proposed participatory planning system for the urban renewal of the Afrikaanderwijk neighbourhood.


Elaborating issues

Issue and city profiling

Building elaboration and forging consensus

STAGES

Identifying key issues + Identifying local stakeholders

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legend legend dwelling dwelling commerce commerce workshop workshop

retail - small scale - small scale retail - flexible use of of plinths in in - flexible use plinths (existing) housing blocks (existing) housing blocks

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2. Production at at home2. Production homeworkspace workspace

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- large scale retail (AH, - large scale retail (AH, etos, etc.) etos, etc.) - small scale affordable - small scale affordable retail retail - ethnicity oriented retail - ethnicity oriented retail - public space answering - public space answering to to ethnical and indigenous ethnical and indigenous use population’s population’s use - market asas supra-local - market supra-local

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5. Participation in in 5. Participation neighbourhood processes neighbourhood processes (decision power) (decision power)

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Formalising commitment on ways forward

CLUSTERS CLUSTERS

STAGES

Saba Golchehr

Mobilising stakeholders

SPATIAL SPATIAL CONFIGURATION CONFIGURATION

116 | 160

ISSUE PRIORITISATION AND STAKEHOLDER COMMITMENT

PREPARATORY AND STAKEHOLDER MOBILISATION

Rijn- n have str

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

PHASE 2

PHASE 1

- small scale retail - small scale retail - social meeting place - social meeting place females (tea room) females (tea room) - playgrounds childeren - playgrounds childeren - allotments/ community - allotments/ community garden (female work place) garden (female work place) - workshops (female - workshops (female inhabitants) inhabitants) - free/ flexible plinths in in - free/ flexible plinths housing blocks housing blocks

OR

DS

EV

legend legend dwelling dwelling commerce commerce

- municipality has a passive - municipality has a passive role role - (sub-) municipality asas - (sub-) municipality facilitator instead of of director facilitator instead director - recognition and protection - recognition and protection of of local stakeholders local stakeholders

workshop workshop

- residents choice - residents choice incorporated in in decision incorporated decision making making - empowering local initiative - empowering local initiative - work groups of of larger and - work groups larger and local stakeholders forfor the local stakeholders the development of of the new area development the new area

legend legend dwelling dwelling commerce commerce workshop workshop

IA

DU

CT

ANALYTICAL ANALYTICALREVIEW REVIEW

OWN OWN INPUT INPUT

++


PHASE 4

PHASE 3

FOLLOW-UP AND CONSOLIDATION

STRATEGY FORMULATION AND IMPLEMENTATION

Implementing action plans

Negotiating and agreeing action plans

Monitoring and evaluation

Designing and implementing demonstration projects

Up-scaling and replication

Integrating projects and plans into strategic approaches

Institutionalisation

Developing local strategy Forming local/ larger stakeholder workgroups

+ Evaluation principles and system

PROGRAM

PROFILES

1. Municipality 2. Sub-municipality 3. Freehouse 4. Kus & Sloop 5. Gemaal op Zuid 6. Botanische tuin 7. Market stallholders 8. Creative Factory 9. Pameijer 10. LCC ʻt Klooster

PUBLIC SPACE

Evaluation principles

Stakeholder working groups

BUILDING TYPOLOGY

STAGES

+

STAGES

Formulating priority strategies

legend dwelling commerce workshop

+

&

Kus&Sloop

Association Pameijer

LCC ʻt Klooster

Market stallholders Submunicipality Feijenoord

Freehouse

legend dwelling

Botanical garden

commerce workshop

+

Kocapte Mosque Het Gemaal op Zuid Creative Factory

legend dwelling commerce workshop

+

+


118 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Review on proposal The aim of the participatory planning model was to propose a method in which each intervention recognises the urban structure as well as the (larger and smaller) stakeholders that are active in order to preserve the long term transformation that considers the emancipation machine concept. In this framework the planning process is the translation of a progressive integration of the real users and drivers in the neighbourhood. As we saw before the current planning process is challenged under this long term transformation (due to the constant inflow of migrants in the future). This participatory planning proposal shows the potentiality of this fixed factor in the urban renewal planning of the neighbourhood. The participatory planning system allows an inclusive way of neighbourhood renewal developments. By including the very local stakeholders the residents choice is incorporated in the decision making process. In order for the local stakeholders to be representative of the neighbourhoods inhabitants, the emancipation machine emphasizes on the engagement of new and existing migrants in local organizations. This way the gap between residents and institutions is even more declined. In the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk there is already an activation of the residents in neighbourhood processes. The diagram on the right shows the social index of the neighbourhood. These are measurements made of the living environment, capacities of inhabitants, their engagement and the social ties with the neighbourhood. Although most of these are graded quite low, the green areas in the diagram show the stronger aspects of the neighbourhood. The number of inhabitants who have lived in the neighbourhood for more than ten years is high, which indicates a strong neighbourhood ties. Also their social investment in the neighbourhood is high. So the willingness to participate in the development process of the neighbourhood is present. Furthermore if the planning system considers these people, the flexible possibilities of transformation are higher, because of a constant review on the residents use and needs. This review allows for the planning to be more responsive to long term transformations, and at the same time it empowers local stakeholders and individuals which is needed in order to reinforce the emancipation of the weakest groups in the neighbourhood. By responding to this emancipation concept, the proposed participatory planning system creates a better condition for the integration of the new and existing migrants forming a strong cohesion, which is required for an integral development.

Social Index - Afrikaanderwijk - 2012

no discrimination Suitable housing

sufficient language skills

Fig. 10.14 Social Index for Afrikaanderwijk measured in 2012 (www.cos.nl)

sufficient income

Good facilities

good health living environment

capacities

pollution and nuisance

sufficient education

social index work and school

participation

social binding

social contacts

social and cultural activities social input

mutations

Social strong

7.1 and higher

Social sufficient

6.0 - 7.0

Vulnerable

5.0 - 5.9

Problem

3.9 - 4.9

Social very weak

3.8 and lower

experienced binding


DEMONSTRATION PROJECT


the following pages I will elaborate how the design is developed using these criteria and how the current layout of the market and square are evaluated, following the proposed method. Also the layout of the market and square in the proposal needs to answer to a flexible use of the neighbourhoods residents. How this felxibility is facilitated will also be shown later in this chapter.

Fig. 11.1 Birdâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s-eye view of Afrikaandersquare on a market day (maps.google. com)

According to the system the goals for the development of this place space are that it becomes a space where a social mix is found, where there is an interaction and exchange of goods, where the public space should answer to the needs of every user and where there is a mixed program of larger and smaller retail. Furthermore this space should become the main attractor of the ethnic enclave for the outside audience and it should be city- and region-scale oriented. Another criteria within this first order is that the cultural and historical heritage, in this neighbourhood that is the characteristic architecture, should be accessible and therefore good connected to the first order. The criteria for the program and planning framework can be found in the diagram on page 97. These criteria are used + in order to evaluate+ the current marketsquare. The next page shows the analysis according to the first orders criteria. CRITERIA

+

So in the scenario design proposal for the Afrikaander-square and market the development criteria are translated in to design. On + &

PRINCIPLES

CRITERIA

+

PROFILES

+

+

+

legend dwelling commerce

Fig. 11.2 Developing principles for the first order places in the hierarchy

+

+

&

PROFILES

workshop

BUILDING TYPOLOGY

RINCIPLES

In this chapter one of the potential locations in the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk is chosen in order to demonstrate how the proposed system and participatory planning framework are used for the development of this place. The location chosen for this demonstration is the market square of the neighbourhood. The proposed method (see page 95) shows that the market in the Afrikaanderwijk belongs to the first order in the hierarchy. This means that this space should answer to the criteria in the top row of the diagram.

BUILDING TYPOLOGY

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

120 | 160

market

legend


analysis As aforementioned, the criteria of the first order are used to analyse if the current design and layout of the market-square answer to the earlier set principles. The schemes on the left show the evaluation of the existing square and market. The first criteria tested is the social mix and use of public space by all user groups. In the current situation the park area of the square is the main space designed for public leisure. This space is however not frequently used by any of the user groups. This park has been designed as a place for events. The design of this park is only focused on this type of large scale use of the space.Therefore when there is no event planned in the park, which is about 363 days per year, there is also no or very little use of the space by the public. The design of this park lacks of possibilities for flexible use. Furthermore, due to the lack of social control of the neighbourhoods inhabitants in this open space, there have been incidents of vandalism in the park. For this reason, accommodated with noise complaints of inhabitants, the park is now completely closed off with gates, which only open during daytime. Overall we can conclude that the current design of the park does not answer to the needs of a large scope of users. The second criteria is that there is a need of a variety of program, containing large scale chain stores along small scale, ethnic retail along the streets of the first order. This criteria is needed in order to attract a variety of users, but also to answer to the needs of the neighbourhoods residents, from which a large part does their grocery shopping outside the neighbourhood at the moment because of the lack of this exact variety of shops in their own neighbourhood. In the current street profile of the neighbourhood next to one larger low-end grocery store, there are only small scale shops to be found. The retail offer is quite homogeneous and only answers to a very small amount of the demand of the neighbourhoods residents. The third scheme shows the fragmentation of the square to the first order streets in the hierarchy. The reason for this is the large tiled open space which is used twice a week for the Afrikaandermarket. On non-market days this space is empty and deserted, with no other program to fill the space and attract people. Due to this unused space and the aforementioned gate around the park, this public space is fragmented from the streets along it. Therefore the current layout of this square does not include the open public space in the first order of the hierarchy. In order to achieve a greater diversity of uses and a higher liveliness in this space, it should be connected to two streets which are part of the first order in the hierarchy.

The next scheme emphasizes this last point and shows that all program on the square is fragmented from the first order streets, because they are all focused inwardly. Moreover for this reason the square is currently fragmented in separate functions that have no interaction with each other. Therefore also the users of the different programmatic aspects within this square are separated from each other. In other words, the current layout of the square does not allow for a social mix of the different users, which is one of the goals and criteria of a space belonging to the first order. Finally the last scheme shows the criteria of the monumental heritage in the neighbourhood, which should be connected to/ accessible from the first order streets. The image shows one of these monumental buildings, which is the old HBS school now transformed into a mosque. In the current situation this building is not connected to the first order. The design of the square has caused this fragmentation. Between the park and the building a pond is implemented. This water now forms a barrier between the building and the first order street. In order to integrate the building in this order, the accessibility of this monument needs to be upgraded. Some other criteria which are not shown in the analytical diagrams are: the supra-local character that this space should have and the building typology that should respond this character. In order for the market to stay and compete to other markets in the city and region in the future, the possibilities for transformation need to be considered. This market is a strong attractor people outside the neighbourhood and it is a great potential for the economic system of the area supporting the emancipation machine concept. Therefore the future of the markets potentials need to be explored. For instance the transformation towards a fixed market and the development of a more diverse program and offer in the market. One of the solutions for this future transformation is to create roof over the market stalls. With this covered structure the market stalls and visitors are protected from bad weather and the preservation of the food products will be answering to the new European food retail regulations. If a fixed market construction would be developed it will have to answer to the building typology criteria of the first order system. This means that the character of the new building or construction should emphasize the identity of the neighbourhood (ethnic enclave).


Public space not being used

Only small scale one-sided program

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

122 | 160

Fig. 11.3 Schemes showing analysis of market by criteria of the method

Square fragmented from 1st order hierarchy

All program aspects on square oriented inward

No connection of historic HBS building with square and street


new configuration Following the conclusions from the analysis some new suggestions for the layout of the market can be done. In some small studies the search for the ideal market configuration, answering to the criteria of this first order in the system, is done. The diagrams on this page show the current market configuration, the studies for a new configuration and the ideal configuration answering to the criteria. The variant d. is chosen as the ideal configuration, for in this layout the market, the square and the monument are integrated in the first order. These parts are at the same time

interrelated to each other so that there is no fragmentation of program and the whole square is part of the the first order system. Of course however this is only a study showing how the criteria can be used for the spatial design of the space. This is not a fixed proposal but merely a demonstration of the translation of the principles at hand.

New configurations answering to strategic conditions current market:

studies: a.

b.

c.

?

d.

e.

f. can not be indoor market

Fig. 11.4 Schemes of market configuration


IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Saba Golchehr

124 | 160

Action Plan answering to principles

&

mix of ethnic and indigenous population Fig. 11.5 Variant answering to criteria of first order

monumental and cultural buildings

public space for the use of all groups

program as attractor on city and regional scale

mix of high and low end retail


stakeholder workgroup In the last chapter the proposed participatory planning approach for the urban renewal of the Afrikaanderwijk was introduced. The aim of this planning system is to empower the local stakeholders in the development of the neighbourhood and with that to facilitate a more progressive integration by using the emancipation concept. For the development of the market, within the recognized spatial link to the larger scale level (supergrid), I have indicated which stakeholders can be approached and involved in the decision making process. The large stakeholders in the development of the square and market location are the municipality of Rotterdam and the sub-municipality of Feijenoord. The municipality is the investor for the development of the public space in the city. In order to develop a public space in the neighbourhood that responds to the residents use and needs, a collaboration with local stakeholders that represent the interests of these groups is needed. Together with the set of principles an action plan, in which the stakeholders responsibilities and inputs are agreed upon, and a design proposal can be developed by the stakeholder workgroup. In this example the stakeholder workgroup consists of: - the municipality: investing in a transformation of the public space that will answer to a long term vision of the neighbourhood as an emancipation machine (www.rotterdam.nl). - the sub-municipality: as an active stakeholder in the decision making process and the development of the public space (www. rotterdam.nl/wijkfeijenoord). - Freehouse: a cultural initiative supporting the entrepreneurial potentials of the neighbourhoods residents. They are an experienced party when it comes to the development of the market. In a recent successful experiment they implemented small interventions in order to increase the attractivity of the market stalls its products. This institution can share their gained knowledge on the improvement of the market and include the residents wishes and ideas about the market. Also their expertise of small scale and starting entrepreneurs and the contribution to their growth makes them an important stakeholder in the development of the market (www.freehouse.nl). - Kus & Sloop: an initiative of the housing corporation Vestia in cooperation with M.E.S.T. - office for experimental urban social transformation. The initiatives exists of transforming empty plots, that are on the agenda for demolition or regeneration, into temporary program like a hotel or a small theater. In this initiative there a collaboration between local residents and contemporary artists is facilitated. In the development of the market their

temporary programs can be used in many other forms to experiment programs in the neighbourhood. This will increase the flexibility that is needed for the long term transformation that should answer to the needs of a large scope of users (www.kusen-sloop.nl). - Gemaal op Zuid: this is an initiative of the Museum of Rotterdam, TENT (an art gallery) and Kosmopolis Rotterdam (an institution stimulation the multiculturality in the city). These institutions collaborate in order to create a diverse art and culture program in the exhibition space of the monumental building â&#x20AC;&#x153;t Gemaal op Zuidâ&#x20AC;?. Their input in the development of the market can exist of cultural program and events in the market area on nonmarket days. Another group that is located in this building is the neighbourhood kitchen created by Freehouse and its cooks, which are ethnic female inhabitants of the neighbourhood. This group can contribute to the leisure activities on the market and in the public space (as creating a terrace in front of the building) (www. gemaalopzuid.nl). - Botanic Garden: the botanic garden can contribute with their knowledge of trees and plantation for the development of the park area of the square (www.afrikaanderplein.nl). - Market stallholders: this is an important group for the transformation of the market and the diversity of its products. - Creative factory: The creative factory which houses a high number of creative businesses can contribute to the development of the market by organizing temporary program on non-market days. Program like a an artist market can both stimulate the neighbourhoods economy and simultaneously support the artists working in the creative factory by promoting and selling their work to a broader audience (www.creativefactory.nl). - Pameijer: this is an institution that supports the emancipation and integration of people with (mild) intellectual disabilities or psychiatric problems. Their goal is to empower these groups and help them develop their potentials. In the development of the market this institution can help empower other unheard residents and make them part of the project development, by giving them an active part in the construction of the square (pameijer.nl). - LCC â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;t Klooster: this is the local cultural center in the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk. Art, culture, education and recreation are the keywords that describe the activities in this cultural center. Residents from different communities and cultures meet here, to talk, drink coffee, visit a show, read a newspaper of follow an activity. This cultural center can contribute to the developments of the market by organizing local activities on non-market days, like musical performances, theater, cabaret,


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Conclusion So in the transformation of the market, as stakeholder consensus for the development can be achieved if it is clear what each organization has to offer. We can conclude that the smaller stakeholders often do not have the means for large scale projects, but they do offer inside knowledge about the functioning of the neighbourhood and about the level of engagement of the neighbourhoods inhabitants. In this stakeholder workgroup the municipality is the owner of the public space and with that the investor of the project. However by collaborating with the local stakeholders, the work force and other parts of the development (for example the materials) can be found or produced very locally so that the costs of the transformation stay low.

Participatory Planning

er ow

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submunicipality Feijenoord

np ma

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expositions and exhibitions (www.rotterdam.nl/lcc_t_klooster). - Kocapte mosque: in the monumental building adjacent to the Afrikaander-square, there is a mosque. This mosque is frequently visited by the older and younger males in the neighbourhood. In the development of the square the frequently used routing to this mosque can be combined with program for the young adults, so that there is a natural social control on the square.

Fig. 11.6a Scheme of involved stakeholders and what they offer in the development process

1. Municipality 2. Sub-municipality 3. Freehouse 4. Kus & Sloop 5. Gemaal op Zuid 6. Botanische tuin 7. Market stallholders 8. Creative Factory 9. Pameijer 10. LCC Ęťt Klooster 11. Kocapte mosque

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Fig. 11.6b Example of a stakeholder workgroup based on a study of active stakeholders in the neighbourhood


action plan Concept

Now that the stakeholder workgroup is formed, the collaboration on an action plan and design can start. In the left image a conceptual scenario is shown in which the principles together with the interests and input of the stakeholders are translated into a design proposal. In this chapter I have tried to model the stakeholders interests in order to show what the output of this collaboration and of the participatory planning approach means for the development of a key area in the neighbourhood.

Goals terraces indoor market

In the concept for the square several programmatic attributes come together. First there is the new market hall, which is an open construction in which twice a week a market takes place. On the other non-market days the hall is open for a flexible use of the space. This space can be used by creative businesses to organize a cultural market or the space can be used as a picnic space, or as an exhibition space for the cultural center. In other words, the market hall is a flexible construction in which all sorts of program Market can take place. On the left side of this market the street profile is broadened, in order to create space for a leisure stroke where restaurants, bars and cafĂŠs can expand towards terraces. On the 1. Municipality 2. Sub-municipality right side of the market hall the square will exist for a part out of 3. Freehouse a monumental area which functions as the path to the mosque. 4. Kus & Sloop Next to this there is a green space in which answers to the use of 5. Gemaal op Zuid the ethnic population. In this space they can 6. Botanische tuinhave their barbecues in the open space, while at 7. theMarket same time being protected by stallholders 8. Creative Factory surrounding trees. Also sport facilities and playgrounds will 9. Pameijer remain on this part of the square, but will have a relation with the 10. LCC Ęťt Klooster monumental part, so that there11.is Kocapte a natural social control from the Mosque male mosque visitors towards the younger generations playing on the sport fields (see illustration on page 129). Again I want to emphasize the point that this is an illustration of a model of the translation of the stakeholders interests combined with the proposed design principles. Fig. 11.7 Concept for the development of the market based on the stakeholders interests

monumental

recreation


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scenario development

As explained previously, the design proposal is a scenario of the possible developments. This design is based on the translation of the interests of the involved stakeholders combined with the proposed design principles. Some of the interests incorporated in this design are for instance the Kocapte mosque organisation who wishes a suitable entrance to their building which is located on the square. The interest of the market stallholders is to have a large number of consumers, that is stable in any weather condition. In this way the interest of all involved stakeholders are reviewed and translated into this design proposal. The map on the next page illustrates the proposal for the new layout of this market square. In the design a market hall is incorporated, which has an open structure so it can be used at all times for different programs. The programmatic features located on and along this square now have a stronger relation to this important public space. In the current situation these features are all focused inward and form fragmented parts with no relation to the square (see page 124). In the new proposal the emphasis is on the relation of these parts with the square. The entrances of the programmatic parts are located at the square so that these fragments are part of one public space.

Lastly the configuration of the market is reorganised on this square. In order to answer to the changing regulations of food retail in open space and in order to stabilize and increase the number of consumers of this market, a construction is made in order to cover the market area (see figure 11.9). This new market hall will be an open construction and will partly contain a fixed interior. This interior will exist of multifunctional components that will answer to a flexible use of the market hall. On market days the central path in the hall is open to allow market stalls to be located, while the fixed components can be used as tables to set out the selling goods. On non-market days the hall can be used for expositions, events, picnics, cultural markets and so on. The market hall will function as an attractor of the square and neighbourhood on the scale of the city and the region. Therefore this space will become the place for interaction and engagement of the ethnic groups and the indigenous population. The square and market hall will enhance the progressive integration and the emancipation of the ethnic minorities by exposing their cultural lifestyles to the mainstream society and therefore letting the indigenous population get acquaintance with the rich culture of this ethnic enclave in a positive way.

The layout of the square is based on a monumental character with the main axis shaping the entrance of the mosque. This layout is inspired by Middle-Eastern designs of public squares located in front of great mosques (figure 11.8). The cross axes are located strategically at either important monumental buildings or at streets leading to the square in order to increase the flow of public in this wide open space. Another feature of this square is the translation of the proposed principles in the second order. A combination is made between the visitors of the mosque (the islamic men) and the younger male inhabitants in the neighbourhood, by locating sport fields along the main route of the visitors and near the mosque in order to create a condition for a natural social control that will enhance the safety and maintenance of the square.

Fig. 11.8 Example of a park towards the entrance of the Badshahi Mosque in Pakistan


Fig. 11.9 Design for market square with a market hall

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Flexible use market hall

As market Fig. 11.10a Layout of market hall with fixed and temporary stalls

Fig. 11.11 Profile of Afrikaandersquare

For events Fig. 11.10b Fixed interior of market hall for multiple uses that increases flexibility of the space


Fig. 11.12 References of market halls (pps.org)


Fig. 11.13 Photo of Afrikaandermarket

IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

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parkstad proposal

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On the next pages the proposal for the Parkstad development .Z. of the is illustrated. First the connections of the street network en Z hav Rijn neighbourhood is connected through the area to a supergrid axis k Wig ledij stra e Hil a (that is the ‘Laan op Zuid’, which is the street parallel Bred to the old t Veerlaan train yard). Due to this intervention in the network, the hierarchy n a ela chts Deliplein Veerlaan dre traat needed to be measured anew. In these new measurements it Delis traat Nz. ven Atjehs sha became clear that these new connections have no impact on the Maa traat Atjehs ijk ed ill de H existing hierarchy of streets.BreAlso the new connections (except for the Paul Krugerlaan which is a first order connection) belong to aan lhuisl the third Toorder. Nz. Nz. aven

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In a previous chapter I introduced the urban renewal plan of the neighbourhood. The program for these groups should be Parkstad for the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk and its adjacent protected from a direct visibility of the general audience (see page empty area, which used to be a train yard but is now out of use. As 97). The building typology best answering to this is the urban described in the chapter on planning framework (see page 101) the block with a courtyard. In order to create possibilities for the current renewal plan will only be developed partially. Furthermore, development of a programmatic cluster for the female inhabitants due to theE economical problems of the housing corporation a large courtyard is created. Within this yard there is space for the R developing thisASarea, the future development of this land and with development of primary schools, child day care, tea houses and MU SB that also the regeneration of the neighbourhood of Afrikaanderwijk other program related to this user group. RU Lo Ca m uis rg sda is uncertain. In order Gto propose a long term development and ad on Pr oo eg rso rsk Dr Pe er ka a ad deSinceP the renewal of this area I have proposed a participatory planning Lo e location aiscof this land is quite central within the city of hij inc de Sp f off wij oo sb k rw ru system with the aim to generate the progressive integrationhaveand Rotterdam, the wish is to keep a high density in the development nb egg Le ru vie g Vo emancipation of the weakest groups in this neighbourhood. TheSp rstkad nd La eter t e Kop oo m traa van Zuid - Entrepot S s rw aim of this proposal was to develop a planning Station system in which. van Ra S e to Bi "Wilhelminaplein" ve gh ot ste blo nn J.B Wilhelminaurban renewal these weaker residents are incorporated in the yn av k at .B ka en tra plein ak de en ers em ha orff L ak planning. This in order to diminish the dependency on a housing H A rgd ad of K oep v a n Z u i d ve AN e Bu va nZ n d uid ka deprived neighbourhoods and corporation for the renewal of the OP Z ika er UI m W D de inhabitants. dA emancipation of the neighbourhoods .G a n k .W Po a lla

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Fig. 11.15 Proposal for Parkstad area


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136 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

of this land. In order to reach a similar density as the existing blocks of the neighbourhood, a calculation is done for the Floor Area Ratio of the largest block in the plan so it will meet the requirements in terms of density. In this calculation first the FAR of two of the existing blocks are measured (see figure 11.16). The FARâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s of these blocks are approximately 1.5 and 1.85. The FAR of the new block is approximately 1.7. This is the average of the two existing blocks ((1.5 + 1.85) / 2 = 1.675), so in other words it complies with the aimed density for this urban area. The third block from the right is located along two first order streets. This means that this block will house a number of mixed program along these streets. The plinth of this block will be mostly

FAR = 1.3

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for retail and other commercial programs and there will be a parking garage of one layer underneath this block. According to the principles in the proposed method these programs exist of a variety of high and low end retail functions for a broad range of users. The building on the far left is located along first and second order streets. The public space in this plot is developed for the usergroups of the second order. In this plot sport fields and leisure activities for young adults and male inhabitants of the neighbourhood are realised. In the plinth of the building workshops and other male oriented program will be developed.

FAR = 1.7 Fig. 11.16 Floor Area Ratio of existing and new building blocks

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Fig. 11.17 Refernce images for program and public space (nieuwbouw.amsterdam. nl, womenconnectfirst.org.uk) and garage typology in Afrikaanderwijk

Fig. 11.18 Cross section of proposed plan with mixed program

Hilledijk

Laan op Zuid

WORKSHOP

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Fig. 11.19 Proposal for market hall and Parkstad area

Fig. 11.20 References of programs on public spaces in the design proposal (r-s-b.nl; www.geheugenvanwest.nl; prinzessinnengarten.net)


140 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Fig. 11.21 Photo of female residents of Afrikaanderwijk sitting along a playground in the neighbourhood


EVALUATION


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future development In order to evaluate the outputs of this thesis, which are the participatory planning proposal and the proposed method and principles, I will return to the aim of this thesis. These aims were: - to redefine the factor of migration in the urban renewal planning system on a national level; and - to define a planning framework in order to be able to receive and integrate new and existing migrants socially and spatially in (the development of) the neighbourhood. In this chapter I will evaluate if these aims are reached by the proposals in this project. First it is necessary to return to the first aim, which was: the redefining of the factor of migration in the urban renewal planning system on a national level. In the theoretical framework of this thesis I aimed at collecting several theories in order to create an understanding of the behaviour of and relations between different cultural groups. The main aim of the sociological part of the theory research was to underbuild the concept of a positive and beneficial ethnic concentration. First some theories were reviewed on reasons of human concentration due to cultural differences. One of the most renowned studies on this stems from researchers within the Chicago School (Park and Burgress, 1925) who linked the human concentration behaviour to the ecosystem in biology (see page 57). Subsequently the relation between governmental policies and ethnic concentration were researched in order to find the gaps in the current national policy. Following this several theories (as Marcuse (1997) and Putnam (2000)) were used in order to illustrate the positive effects of ethnic concentration. One of the conclusions of this theory review is that a progressive integration of ethnic groups is achieved by first strengthening the ethnic groups and their intra-ethnic bonds (see page 58). After the emancipation of these groups they become integrated in mainstream society more progressively by attracting the indigenous population with their cultural appeal and diversity. So the factor of migration should be interpreted as an enrichment instead of a burden. Also in the urban renewal planning this should be taken into consideration. We will return to this planning aspect in the evaluation of the second aim, which was: defining a planning framework in order to be able to receive and integrate new and existing migrants socially and spatially in (the development of) the neighbourhood. In order to find out if this aim is reached by this projectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s proposal the question that needs to be posed is: How is the proposed participatory planning approach a good instrument for integration?

The planning proposal is based on the purpose of a progressive integration of the weakest residents in a flexible program. So in order to answer the above-mentioned question we will take a closer look at the flexibility of the program and the flexibility of the overall transformation. First however an emphasis is made on the proposed instrument in this project. The proposed instruments are all facilitators for the empowerment of the weakest residents. In order for this empowerment to function and in order for these people to have a physical expression in their habitat, these instruments need to be part of the municipal program so that they become valid. The governmental program is still recognised in this plan, but at the same time the proposal shows that if the transformation is done in this participatory manner the flexibility and potentials of the transformation are higher. The participation of stakeholders in the public space allows another way of transformation. Instead of creating a confrontation area due to the mixing of different groups (described in the mixing policy of the government) and with that creating more or less â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;no-go areasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, a space of integration is developed in which the confrontation is given shape by positive interaction between the indigenous and ethnic groups. This mixing typology creates a good base for a mixed use program in the area and is also a good base for this kind of participatory planning. Returning to the flexibility of the transformation, which is a key component for a progressive integration in the planning, two scenarios are developed. These scenarios illustrate that the migrant factor is not a burden in the renewal process. On the contrary: by considering these groups in the planning, the aforementioned confrontation condition and its potentials are used and expressed in a way that is positive for the progressive integration of these groups. The flexibility of the transformation by using the participatory planning model is illustrated by two scenario examples. The first example is based on a renewal development in which a high investment is present. This high investment can be interpreted as an external project developer interested in this empty land located in a quite central urban area and interested in the development of a mixed program with the main program of housing. In this case the project developer will approach the municipality for the rights of the land. The municipality will then introduce the project developer to the participatory planning model in which the cooperation with the local stakeholders is facilitated in order to develop a plan for the area. The diagram (figure 12.1) shows this development process and the potentials this process creates for the emancipation of the existing inhabitants.


In this process first the inhabitants and local organizations are empowered and reinforced by NGOs. These NGOs also facilitate the link between the people and the municipality and project developers in order to enhance the participation. In this participatory system the large stakeholders (that are the municipality and the project developer) form workgroups with local stakeholders (which are less professional and often volunteering organizations) to create action plans and to develop a local strategy for the urban renewal of the neighbourhood. In the scenario this stage is translated in the development of program for the female user groups as schools, child day care centers, greenhouses, tea houses and so

on. If the development of this programmatic cluster is successful, specialized NGOs can be attracted and get involved in the growth of the program (which is in this case the local food production) by developing educational facilities for the women, shops to sell the local products, restaurants using the local products in their kitchen and other similar programs. The map on the next page (figure 12.2) demonstrates this development scenario. Also the future development is shown as a next step in the ongoing transformation and regeneration of the neighbourhood when following the proposed method and the participatory planning model.

PROJECT DEVELOPER

= area of influence

MUNICIPALITY

te

a

ro

om

h sc s,

g ls, oo

re

en

ho

es us

NGO

â&#x201A;Ź Fig. 12.1 Diagram showing the production cycle and stakeholder influence in the proposed neighbourhood renewal plan under a high investment

NGO

ts, ps auran , worksho s, rest ts shop t, marke expor


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Fig. 12.2 Illustration of the proposed neighbourhood renewal development under a high investment

tea house

allotments

primary school

green house

child day care and play ground

restaurant

educational center

tea room

shop selling local products

future transformation

existing buildings


146 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

The second scenario is based on a situation where there is no large investor, like a project developer, for the development of this empty piece of land and the regeneration of the whole neighbourhood. In this scenario the NGOs, local organizations and the municipality organize themselves together with the inhabitants (the female user groups) in order to develop a flexible and possibly temporary program on the old train yard land. The program of the allotments can still be achieved in this scenario. A reference of a similar plan is the Prinzessinengarten in Berlin (Nillesen et al, 2012). This garden is a temporary garden in the centre of Berlin. The land of 6,000 square meters, rented from the organization “Liegenschaftsfond Berlin” which owns and manages a high number of empty buildings and lands in Berlin, is transformed into an urban garden and plantation. There is no certainty about the future development perspectives on the long term, therefore the garden is developed in a certain way so it can move quite easily. The buildings exist of containers and the plants grow in boxes, bags and recycled packaging. This allows for the garden to be mobile and flexible to move to other areas if needed, moreover even moving to a paved surface would be possible. The initiator of the plan, the organization “Nomadic Grün”, wanted to revitalize the empty area and to provide more green in a part of the city that is characterized by a high density, little green and social problems. The organization involves a wide group of residents and others interested in her activities - including organic cultivation of vegetables and herbs. The income from a cafe and restaurant in the garden contribute to the expenses. I use this reference to illustrate that also with small means a (temporary) transformation and flexible program in this area is possible. The Prinzesinnengarten in Berlin shows that there are certain qualities that attracts a larger public in a program like this. The plantation program attracts a larger audience and can function as a motor for urban regeneration. In other words, these people can form the urban regeneration action themselves. This example of a plantation garden together with the proposed principles of the method form the second scenario shown in figure 12.4.

Fig. 12.3 Reference projects for the regeneration of the train yard area under a low investment. Images on the left are from the Prinzessinnengarten in Berlin (prinzessinnengarten. net). And on the right images of the ‘container-city’ in Mexico (www.pueblamexico.com)


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containers

allotments

playground

plot by plot renovation

demolish and transformation of existing blocks

Fig. 12.4 Illustration of the proposed neighbourhood renewal development under a low investment


150 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Fig. 12.5 Photo of adolescent migrant men in Feijenoord, Rotterdam in 1979 (de Hartogh, 1981)


RECOMMENDATION


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role of municipality In order to put this project in a contemporary planning framework, the current condition of the housing corporation and the role of the municipality in urban renewal projects is reviewed. As mentioned earlier in the housing corporation Vestia is momentarily coping with internal and economical problems. Due to the financial downturn at Vestia hundred projects, particularly in the disadvantaged neighborhoods, are at risk. These projects concern not only the renovation, demolition and construction of tens of thousands of homes, but also the construction of schools, sports halls, health centers and shelters for troubled youth, women and drug addicts. This according to a tour of the NOS (2012) along the aldermen of Rotterdam, The Hague, Delft, Zoetermeer and Westland. Vestia would invest hundreds of millions of euros in various projects in these municipalities. Due to the financial problems of the housing corporation there is no more money for the time being. Vestia was threatened to go bankrupt this spring. This could only be avoided with an emergency loan of more than 1.5 billion. In order to become financially healthy again, Vestia will sell 15,000 of its rental apartments in the next ten years. At the same time there all construction plans are cancelled, with the exception of projects which Vestia cannot refuse legally. The aldermen of the cities where Vestia owns a high number of the dwellings, are disappointed. They see the dissolving of the development of deprived neighbourhoods and thus fear for the safety and livability in these areas. According to alderman Marnix Norder of the Hague this will have profound implications for the city, where thirty-four projects were planned. Since several years the municipality of the Hague is trying to force these deprived neighbourhoods to get back on track. Through various investments, including that of Vestia, the number of unemployment, school dropouts and crime had decreased. Houses were demolished and renewed. According to the aldermen the positive development of these areas will stop if these investments dissolve now. Alderman Hamit Karakus of Rotterdam fears that the projects will be delayed and that the high educated inhabitants move away from the neighborhoods due to the lack of qualitative dwellings (NOS, 2012). So now ten thousands of inhabitants in Rotterdam and the Hague risk being victimized due to the financial problems of the housing corporation Vestia. Especially the city of Rotterdam is heavily affected: thirty-five building projects are abolished. One of the

neighbourhoods that is affected the hardest by this building freeze is the Afrikaanderwijk. In this neighbourhood the demolishing of sever building blocks is already in progress. However the future developments of the new dwellings is uncertain at the moment, for there are currently no investors for the neighbourhood renewal development. Fig. 13.1 Photo of first renewal actions of housing corporation Vestia


Fig. 13.2 Two news articles about the near bankrupcy of the housing corporation Vestia (www.nos. nl, www.nu.nl)


154 | 160 Saba Golchehr IS INTEGRATION AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE EXCLUDED NEEDED?

Currently the Alderman of Housing and Spatial Planning of Rotterdam wants to save the renewal plans of the housing corporation by seeking other investors as corporations, banks and pension funds to take over the development plans of Vestia. While this search could lead to the continuation of the development of the plans, chances are that there will be no large parties interested in investing in the renewal of this deprived neighbourhood. Furthermore the housing corporation Vestia did not only invest in the development of housing and program in this neighbourhood, they also invest in the social climate and the emancipation of the neighbourhoods residents. So in order to keep the development with this social responsibility intact there is a need for a planning system that aims at supporting and empowering the weakest residents in these neighbourhoods. The threat of involving external investors to the regeneration of this neighbourhood is the loss of this way of social neighbourhood renewal. The municipality in this way acts merely as a project developer with a main interest of housing the most profitable groups (high educated inhabitants) in these deprived areas. In the participatory planning system I propose the role of the municipality needs to evolve from acting as a developer towards being a facilitator. The municipality should act as a link between the people (and local organizations) and the larger stakeholders (as project developers or other investors). In the proposed planning system with a stakeholder approach the municipality facilitates and controls the participation and cooperation between the two levels of involved parties. In this way each development in the neighbourhood is aimed at the emancipation of the neighbourhoods residents. So in order to reach a neighbourhood renewal which focuses on the empowerment, emancipation and progressive integration of the weakest residents, the municipality needs to act as a facilitator and a protector of a participatory planning system instead of a project developer.


proposed instrument In the participatory planning model I propose several instruments are used in four phases of the planning process (see page 116). In order to optimize these instruments a constant review during each project or intervention on the instruments is needed. Two of these phases especially should be reviewed and improved on a trial basis. I will elaborate the reformation of these phases and their associated instruments in this chapter. The first phase in the participatory planning model is the preparatory and stakeholder mobilisation phase. In this phase the stakeholders are mobilised and key issues are identified. For the urban renewal planning of this neighbourhood another stage in this phase is of importance: the identification of local stakeholders. Since there is a high number of local organisations, both professional as unprofessional, a monitor is needed in order to create insight on the number of active organisations and of their pursuits. This stage is a very important component in order to create a truly collaborative planning process. Therefore I recommend a sole study on ways to optimize this transparency between stakeholders of the local but also large scale. What should be created is a certain platform in which organisations can post their activities, what they can offer and what they are looking for in projects or partnerships. With an instrument like this the connections between stakeholders is enhanced and the forming of stakeholder workgroups (in phase three of the participatory planning process) is reinforced.

Fig. 13.3 Interactive website that functions as a platform for exchange in offers (giveaminute.info)

Some examples of such platforms are shown in the figures below. On these platforms individuals can post an interest, problem, service to offer or anything else related to their living environment. The platforms for the stakeholders should contain more information about the organizations, but this platform should also be accessible to individuals (as the examples below). In the second phase of the proposed planning system the analytical method and the development principles are introduced. In order to be able to constantly answer to the changing needs of the residents and emancipation of the weaker groups, the principles need to be reviewed with each intervention. In this way the flexibility and the responsiveness of this tool is preserved. Also by using this instrument in the development, it will become clear which principles are not feasible or which principles should be added to the method. In this way the method and the principles will be constantly evolving so that they can remain to answer to the needs of the weakest groups and enhance their involvement, emancipation and progressive integration in the urban renewal planning of the deprived neighbourhoods. So by constantly reviewing the social transformation, interventions and adjustments to the spatial transformation can be facilitated.

Fig. 13.4 Interactive website in which anyone can post suggestions for the improvement of the neighbourhood (verbeterdebuurt.nl)


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Fig. 13.5 Photo of recently arrived immigrant family in the Netherlands (de Hartogh, 1981)


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Fig. 14.1 Photo of migrant and Dutch girl in Crooswijk, Rotterdam in 1977 (de Hartogh, 1981)

Master Thesis S. Golchehr  

Is integration and empowerment of the excluded needed?

Master Thesis S. Golchehr  

Is integration and empowerment of the excluded needed?

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