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that of Ireland, the colonial liberties being restricted by a law analogous to Poynings' Act. The legislature, so con structed, of course represented the white interest only and was entirely composed of whites. It remained substantially unaltered till 1853, when modifications were made which admitted coloured men to the suffrage, though with so high a franchise as to be almost exclusive. It became generally felt that the franchise would have to be extended. A popular movement, led by Mr. Gordon, who was a member of the legislature, developed into a riot, into bloodshed and panic. Gordon was hanged by a court-martial, and the assembly, aware that, if allowed to exist any longer, it could exist only with the broad admission of the negro vote, pro nounced its own dissolution, surrendered its powers to the Crown, and represented formally ‘ that nothing but a strong government could prevent the island from lapsing into the condition of Hayti.’ The surrender was accepted. Jamaica was administered till within the last three years by a governor, officials, and council, all nominated by the Queen. No dissatisfaction had been expressed, and the blacks at least had enjoyed a prosperity and tranquillity which had been unbroken by a single disturbance. If the island has suffered, it has suffered from causes with which political dissatisfaction has had nothing to do, and which, therefore, political changes cannot remove. In 1884 Mr. Gladstone's Government, for reasons which I have not been able to ascertain, revived suddenly the representative system; constructed a council composed equally of nominated and of elected members, and placed the franchise so low as to include practically every negro peasant who possessed a hut and a garden. So long as the Crown retains and exercises its power of nomi nation, no worse results can ensue than the inevitable discontent when the votes of the elected members are dis regarded or overborne. But to have ventured so important