Traditional Theory and the Historic Preservation of Clarke Quay, Singapore in the Period of the 1980’s
Nicholas Hyeong Kunz
PLA 4008 History & Theory of Planning Prof. Hiba Bou Akar December 11th, 2017.
Kunz 1 Clarke Quay was critical to the development of Singapore as we know it today. The urban corridor along the Singapore River has maintained its place as the largest contemporary conservation effort on the river, which has historically served as a commercial waterway for early vernacular shophouses used by tradesman and merchants. Clarke Quay’s state of affairs have not always been this way. As many other places throughout history have experienced, Clarke Quay too has endured periods of both dereliction and development. Many of the historical vicissitudes here and elsewhere, can be explained by the theoretical underpinnings that are at the core of how cities are planned. In the case of Clarke Quay, Singapore, traditional urban planning theory was critical to the success of the historic preservation and rehabilitation efforts of the 1980’s. The history of Clarke Quay extends as far back as the early 1800’s. Positioned near the mouth of the Singapore River between Boat Quay and Robertson Quay, Clarke Quay has historically served as an important docking location along the river for tradesmen and merchants (Chow, 2014). Clarke Quay mostly contains two early architectural typologies, godowns and shophouses. Godowns are characterized by relatively large buildings that combined eastern and western style architectural features, such as Chinese style tile roofs amalgamated with classic western Doric columns. Shophouses are narrow, two and three story buildings with high ceilings; commercial uses designated on the first story, and living quarters on the second story - all
Kunz 2 sharing adjacencies to each other. These two early architectural typologies became center to the identity that Clarke Quay is known for today (Wang and Heng, 2009). At the time when Singapore declared independence from Malaysia in 1959, many of the godowns and shophouses in Clarke Quay were derelict and in disrepair. Sweeping legislative reforms and institutional reorganization in the 1960’s and 1970’s lead to changing the way in which Singapore would plan and develop in the future. These sweeping legislative reforms and institutional reorganizations lead to rapid large-scale development throughout the small island city state. Moreover, the same legislative reforms of the 1960’s and 1970’s attempted to avoid displacement, as well as resettling those that had been displaced due to the rapid rate of development occurring at that time. Not only were these efforts established for local residents and housing, but also for small businesses and commercial space. Many of the legislative reforms of the 1960’s and 1970’s began to materialize a decade later (Amirtahmasebi et al., 2016). The 1980’s was a particularly important period of development history in Singapore. It was important not only because of the materialization of the policies established in the decades prior, but also because it was a period of time that brought new overarching themes of environmental protection, conservation, and historic preservation at the forefront of Singaporean urban planning and development discourse (Amirtahmasebi et al., 2016; Chow, 2014; Wang and
Kunz 3 Heng, 2009; Wong, Yuen, and Goldblum, 2008). Many of these efforts are thought to have been a reaction to the large-scale development efforts of the 1960’s and 1970’s. For instance, in 1987, The Great Singapore River Clean Up had been completed and the Singaporean central government had established objectives to not only clean and depollute the Singapore River, but also to make capital improvements to the urban corridors along it (Amirtahmasebi et al., 2016; Wong, Yuen, and Goldblum, 2008). In this early example, there is evidence of a genuine effort for environmental protection while preserving the cultural heritage of Singapore. One of the ways in which the Singaporean central government sought to achieve these objectives was a comprehensive historic preservation plan, which included the rehabilitation of the godowns and shophouses in Clarke Quay (Wong, Yuen, and Goldblum, 2008). There were two key urban planning reforms that lead the way in the historic preservation and rehabilitation of Clarke Quay; The Singapore River Concept Plan of 1985 and the Sale of Sites Program of 1989. In 1985, the Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA) had completed the Singapore River Concept Plan, which lead a conservation and historic preservation effort for buildings in the areas adjacent to the Singapore River to include Clarke Quay (Wong, Yuen, and Goldblum, 2008). In 1989, the URA officially designated Clarke Quay as a historic conservation district and initiated The Sale of Sites Program of 1989. The Sale of Sites Program of 1989 sought to privatize the land located in Clarke Quay in order to weave the institutional framework
Kunz 4 for a public / private partnership for achieving URA’s historic preservation and rehabilitation objectives. Both plans were designed to work in conjunction with each other to refit the vernacular godowns and shophouses into retail outlets that when taken together would serve as an entertainment district meant to enhance the appeal of Clarke Quay to tourists (Chow, 2014). Although it is important to understand the historical context of policy and development in Clarke Quay, Singapore, it is equally as important to understand the theoretical underpinnings with regard to urban planning that were fundamental in shaping it. Urban planning theory can be thought of in two broad and overarching categories. The first is traditional urban planning theory and the second is critical urban planning theory. Traditional urban planning theory can be thought of as the dominant planning paradigm throughout urban planning history and today. It promotes the idea that rationality and technical knowledge can be employed to achieve prescribed social outcomes and it often thought of as a quasi-social science. It has thought of itself as an unbiased public service lead primary by a central authority of experts. Examples of traditional urban planning theory are rational planning, strategic planning, and comprehensive planning (Brooks, 2002; Harvey, 2007). Critical urban planning theory can be thought of as the any approach, which challenges the dominant paradigm and questions the idea that traditional urban planning theory is the most responsible approach to achieve prescribed social outcomes. Moreover, critical urban planning theory brings into question that social outcomes should even
Kunz 5 be prescribed and sometimes even challenges the definition of the public interest. Examples of critical urban planning theory can be found in communicative planning, incremental planning, and advocacy planning (Davidoff, 1965; Healey, 1992). Although there are many schools of thought in this regard, it is evident that Clarke Quay exercised the dominant paradigm by way of strategic planning. Strategic planning was central to the way in which historic preservation and rehabilitation was carried out in Clarke Quay in the 1980’s. Although there is not a consensus regarding the definition of strategic planning, it can be thought of as a near-term planning process, typically ranging from three to fives years with clearly defined outcomes drafted and executed by a central authority, often times incorporating political action and private enterprise (Brooks, 2002). Clarke Quay exhibits many similar qualities consistent with this description. For instance, the time horizon from the beginning of The Sale of Sites Program of 1989 until the project completion and reopening in 1993 lasted four years. That period of time axiomatically fits within a typical time horizon characterized by strategic planning of three to five years. Another way in which Clarke Quay fits within the description of strategic planning is that the development effort was executed by a central authority. The URA had lead the effort in achieving the goals it drafted, as previously mentioned. Perhaps most importantly, The Sale of Sites Program of 1989 placed an open bid to private developers to acquire the land and operationalize the ​historic preservation
Kunz 6 objectives established by the URA (Chow, 2014; Wong, Yuen, and Goldblum, 2008). In this sense, it is prudent to consider that the historic preservation and rehabilitation of Clarke Quay in the 1980’s was an exercised approach in strategic planning produced from the ideas central to traditional urban planning theory. The focus of traditional urban planning theory was centered around the URA’s strategic planning approach to historic preservation and rehabilitation executed by virtue of a public / private partnership. As suggested earlier, the public / private partnership began with The Sale of Sites Program of 1989. It had been reported that the program bolstered a comfortable degree of interest from investors in the public / private partnership and the acquisition of Clarke Quay. However, at the close of the competitive bidding process, only one bid was officially received. That bid was honored and the land was acquired by Real Estate Holdings, a subsidiary company of DBS Land (Chow, 2014; Wong, Yuen, and Goldblum, 2008). In previous mention, the historic preservation and rehabilitation of Clarke Quay in the 1980’s was what most would consider a strategic planning approach. Considering the strategic planning approach taken, it can be reasonably assumed that the theoretical approach to the historic preservation and rehabilitation of Clarke Quay was fundamentally predicated on traditional urban planning theory. Not only can traditional urban planning theory be associated with Clarke Quay’s development in the 1980’s by its consistency with characters that define strategic planning, especially with
Kunz 7 regard to public / private partnerships, but also more generally that the overarching theme in rehabilitating Clarke Quay in the 1980’s (and elsewhere in the decades before) had began to suggest centralized rational types of thinking, and therefore a traditional theoretical approach to urban planning. Traditional urban planning theory had emerged and solidified itself within the fabric of Singaporean urban planning practice, evident by the influence and vision that the URA had a consistent history of exercising (Amirtahmasebi et al., 2016; Chow, 2014; Wong, Yuen, and Goldblum, 2008). The implications of utilizing traditional urban planning theory, specifically with regard to rationality and strategic planning from a central authority, may be challenged and called into question. One could formulate an argument that traditional urban planning theory was inappropriate, where a more effective approach to the historic preservation and rehabilitation of Clarke Quay in the 1980’s would have had a closer relationship to critical urban planning theory. However, that was not the case for ​Clarke Quay. In an earlier attempt in Boat Quay - an area adjacent to Clarke Quay along the Singapore River - experienced similar issues with dereliction and disrepair, where the URA outlined similar historic preservation and rehabilitation objectives (Amirtahmasebi et al., 2016). Although Boat Quay and Clarke Quay shared many similarities with regard to their historical significance, architectural typologies, building conditions, and
Kunz 8 location; the differences that they exhibited were mainly in the theoretical approach that the URA exercised in the historic preservation and rehabilitation of the area. Boat Quay was the first phase of the conservation effort along the Singapore River as part of The Singapore River Concept Plan of 1985. The plan was predicated on individually rehabilitating 108 shophouses, where ownership was fragmented between each individual property. The individual owners of the 108 individual properties were encouraged to make individual improvements to their properties through various means of communicative planning, such as workshops and public dialogs; and incremental planning, such as piecemeal building rehabilitation. However, it has been suggested, that after four years of this process, very little had been accomplished in the way of rehabilitating the buildings in Boat Quay and was regarded as largely unsuccessful (Amirtahmasebi et al., 2016). In the case of Boat Quay, critical urban planning theory was at the core of the communicative planning and incremental planning approach taken in the first phase of The Singapore River Concept Plan of 1985. It was evident that after four years, critical urban planning theory was rendering itself as ineffective in achieving URA’s historic preservation and rehabilitation objectives. As The Singapore River Concept of 1985 continued into the second phase of development, the URA elected that it was inappropriate to continue to exercise critical urban planning theory at the core of the
Kunz 9 communicative planning and incremental planning methods that were attempted in Boat Quay in the first phase of development. Clarke Quay was the second phase of the conservation effort along the Singapore River as part of The Singapore River Concept Plan of 1985. Although there were differences in the overall scale of the project when compared to Boat Quay; Clarke Quay having 54 buildings scheduled for rehabilitation, whereas Boat Quay had 108, the specific rehabilitation scope of the project and objectives were largely similar (Amirtahmasebi et al., 2016). Both Clarke Quay and Boat Quay were planned for similar building rehabilitation scopes of their respective godowns and shophouses. The most important difference was mainly the theoretical approach taken in that regard. Rather than exercising the same critical urban planning theory by ways of communicative planning and incremental planning in Clarke Quay that was taken in Boat Quay - where 54 individual shophouses would need to be individually rehabilitated and the ownership fragmented between every individual property owner - the URA had elected to assemble the 54 individual properties into a single parcel to be sold to a private developer. The assembly of the 54 individual properties into a single parcel to be sold to a private developer resulted in The Sale of Sites Program of 1989, an exercise of traditional urban planning theory by ways of strategic planning. Although only one bid was placed in an open competitive bidding process, the entire scope of the project was completed in four years and widely heralded as successful in achieving
Kunz 10 the goals established by the URA (Amirtahmasebi et al., 2016; Chow, 2014; Wong, Yuen, and Goldblum, 2008). In the case of Clarke Quay, traditional urban planning theory was at the core of the strategic planning approach taken in historic preservation and rehabilitation of the area. It was evident that traditional urban planning theory methods, such as the strategic planning approach taken in the second phase of The Singapore River Concept Plan of 1985 and The Sale of Sites Program of 1989, were largely effective and has resulted in what has been suggested and by what most would consider as a successful solution in historic preservation and rehabilitation for the urban corridor along the Singapore River. Clarke Quay has established itself as a laudable precedent in urban planning theory and practice. Today, Clarke Quay enjoys the attraction of both local residents and tourists to the rehabilitated godowns and shophouses, which now serve as restaurants, retail, and entertainment along the Singapore River. Conservation efforts are still in place today in order to maintain the historical significance of the area (Amirtahmasebi et al., 2016; Wong, Yuen, and Goldblum, 2008). Traditional urban planning theory was critical to the success of the historic preservation and rehabilitation of Clarke Quay, Singapore in the 1980’s. Although the historical vicissitudes of Clarke Quay were often met with varying degrees of viability, traditional urban planning theory has enabled Clarke Quay to continue to maintain its place in Singapore, as part of the largest contemporary conservation effort on the Singapore River, as well as an important case
Kunz 11 study from a practical and theoretical lense. As much as the literature regarding the historic preservation and rehabilitation of Clarke Quay in the 1980’s is framed in the eyes of the pragmatist, much of Clarke Quay can still be explained by the theoretical underpinnings that were central to how urban planning was implemented in Singapore. Rationality and strategic planning under the broader category of traditional urban planning theory, were at the core of development and success in Clarke Quay. The insight that this theoretical assessment affords is important in understanding the larger narrative of urban planning and rapid development in Singapore, as well as broader urban planning, development, and policy issues of Southeast Asia and the Global South. In this regard, Clarke Quay may serve as both a practical and theoretical model to better understand precedents for future urban planning approaches applicable here and elsewhere.
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Kunz 13 Wang, Jing Yao; Heng, Chye Kiang. “Conservation in Singapore – the Experiences of Clarke Quay.” Department of Architecture, School of Design and Environment, National University of Singapore, 2009. Wong, Tai-Chee; Yuen, Belinda; Goldblum, Charles. Spatial Planning for a Sustainable Singapore. Singapore Institute of Planners - Springer, 2008. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-6542-2.