THE EQUALITY IMPLICATIONS OF BEING A MIGRANT IN BRITAIN
None of these conditions applies to EU migrants, whose entitlements are guaranteed as part of their Treaty rights and who can also vote in local and European elections. Hence the ‘carrot’ to take up citizenship remains weak for EU citizens, as is the case currently. Setting up an ‘architecture’ made up of new stages extended over a longer period of time, with fewer rights available to migrants as they journey across temporary residence, probationary citizenship and eventually full citizenship or permanent residence will complicate the paths to citizenship rather than simplifying them, as is claimed by the Green Paper. The majority of respondents to a MORI Poll and consultation paper were against this additional stage (UKBA, 2008d). The assessment of this Bill (UKBA, 25 June 2008g) lists the analysis of potential impacts to be undertaken. It states that race and disability Equality Impact Assessments are to follow, but nothing is noted for gender. It is not envisaged that there will be an assessment for human rights. While all northern European countries have tightened their conditions for gaining permanent residence, the UK proposals would make it more difficult than in a number of other European states (Medjouba et al, 2008). For example, in France, permanent residence is obtainable after five years and subject to adequate knowledge of French and French values. Though Australia has increased its period of pre-citizenship from two to four years, migrants are not subjected to further post-entry employability tests as they are in the UK for tier 1 and tier 2. In traditional societies of immigration, permanent migrants are accepted immediately as future citizens. Thus new proposals creating additional obstacles are likely to make the UK far less attractive for skilled migrants and their families. There seems to be in both reports an assumption that making the conditions for acquisition of citizenship more difficult and strengthening symbolic aspects will respond to perceived problems of a sense of belonging and attachment. A study by Heath and Roberts (2008) showed that ethnic minorities, not surprisingly, tend to have a dual rather than exclusive sense of belonging and that those born in nonCommonwealth countries have a weaker sense of belonging, probably because they are more likely to be recent arrivals and have had few previous colonial connections with the UK. Sense of belonging is strongly associated with length of stay, and thus circulation and high turnover will also result in a larger population with a weaker sense of belonging. It is also markedly associated with age, and lower for the more socio-economically marginal and those more critical of the current political order. Heath and Roberts also concluded that it is important not to focus exclusively on new arrivals (pp 26–7) and that we need to keep in mind second generation minorities, many of whom suffer substantial ethnic penalties in the labour market and 48