CCLaP Weekender From the Chicago Center for Literature and Photography
June 20, 2014
SPECIAL REPORT: THE CONFLICT IN UKRAINE Words and Photos by Rich Myers Interview by David Masciotra
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THIS WEEK’S CHICAG
For all events, visit [cclapce FRIDAY, JUNE 20
7pm Absinthe and Zygote #16: BFF Loyola Park / Pratt Blvd. and the lakefront / Free facebook.com/AbsintheZygote This month's show features Natalie Eilbert, Russell Jaffe, and Nat Sufrin. Meet at the sculpture at the end of Pratt Boulevard. 7:30pm The Funny Story Show LooseLeaf Lounge / 2915 N. Broadway / $5 facebook.com/thefunnystoryshow Six local comics tell autobiographical anecdotes. 7:30pm Maria Venegas Women & Children First / 5233 N. Clark / Free womenandchildrenfirst.com The author discusses her newest book, Bulletproof Vest: The Ballad of an Outlaw and His Daughter.
SATURDAY, JUNE 21 1pm Rosalind Cummings-Yeates Edwater Public Library / 6000 N. Broadway / Free chipublib.org The author discusses her newest book, Exploring Chicago Blues. 7pm Suzanna Dunata Walters The Book Cellar / 4736 N. Lincoln / Free bookcellarinc.com The author discusses her newest book, The Tolerance Trap: How God, Genes, and Good Intentions are Sabotaging Gay Equality.
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GO LITERARY EVENTS
enter.com/chicagocalendar] SUNDAY, JUNE 22
1pm Bubbly and Books City Winery / 1200 W. Randolph / $5, 21+ citywinery.com A live reading and sparkling-wine tasting, featuring Jen Lancaster, Stacey Ballis, Sarah Jio, and Amy Hatvany. Reservations required. 4:30pm G. Elizabeth Kretchmer Women & Children First / 5233 N. Clark / Free womenandchildrenfirst.com The author discusses her newest book, The Damnable Legacy of a Minister's Wife. 7pm David Whiteis The Book Cellar / 4736 N. Lincoln / Free bookcellarinc.com The music journalist discusses his newest book, Southern Soul-Blues. 7pm Uptown Poetry Slam The Green Mill / 4802 N. Broadway / $7, 21+ slampapi.com International birthplace of the poetry slam. Hosted by Marc Smith.
MONDAY, JUNE 23 8:30pm Open Mic Kafein Espresso Bar / 1621 Chicago Ave., Evanston kafeincoffee.com Open mic with hosts chris and Kirill.
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TUESDAY, JUNE 24 6:30pm The CCLaP Showcase: Bill Hillman City Lit Books / 2523 N. Kedzie / Free citylitbooks.com Join CCLaP at the inaugural edition of its new reading series and open mic, this month featuring popular local writer Bill Hillman. To reserve an open-mic slot in advance, write cclapcenter@gmail.com. 9pm John Shaw The Hideout / 1354 W. Wabansia / Free, 21+ hideoutchicago.com The author discusses his newest book, This Land That I Love: Irving Berlin, Woody Guthrie, and the Story of Two American Anthems.
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25 6:30pm Bonnie Blue Blackstone Public Library / 4904 S. Lake Park / Free chipublib.org The author discusses her newest book, Emmett Till's Secret Witness. 7:30pm Sheila Flaherty Women & Children First / 5233 N. Clark / Free womenandchildrenfirst.com The author discusses her newest book, East of Mecca. 7:30pm 2nd Story Untitled / 111 W. Kinzie / $18 2ndstory.com This month's show features Deb Lewis, Melissa DuPrey, and Shaun Sperling. 9pm In One Ear Heartland Cafe / 7000 N. Glenwood / $3, 18+ facebook.com/pages/In-One-Ear Chicago's 3rd longest-running open-mic show, hosted by Pete Wolf and Billy Tuggle.
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THURSDAY, JUNE 26 6:30pm Daniel Levine City Lit Books / 2523 N. Kedzie / Free citylitbooks.com The author discusses his new book, Hyde, a reimagining of The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. 7pm K.A. Tucker The Book Cellar / 4736 N. Lincoln / Free bookcellarinc.com The author discusses her new book, Five Ways to Fall, the final installment of her YA series "Ten Tiny Breaths."
To submit your own literary event, or to correct the information on anything you see here, please drop us a line at cclapcenter@gmail.com.
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SPECIAL REPORT
THE CONFLICT 6 | CCLaP Weekender
Most Americans rarely consume news regarding international affairs and foreign conflict, and when they do, it is passively. Given the lack of alternative options, they are comfortable with accepting the assumptions and presuppositions of professional commentators. Rich Myers—a Chicago based freelance photographer— decided to personally capture and document the upheaval in Ukraine, bringing his bravery and eye for detail to the internal conflict in Kyiv. His photography reveals the drama, importance, and intensity of the Ukrainian struggle, and his insights demonstrate the power of photojournalism, and the far reaching implications of what he witnessed in Ukraine.
T IN UKRAINE WORDS AND IMAGES BY RICH MYERS INTERVIEW BY DAVID MASCIOTRA
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David Masciotra: What attracted you to Kyiv? Why did you take the uncommon and brave step to travel there and capture everything yourself ? Rich Myers: Besides merely obeying an intense drive to understand what was happening out there, the trip offered something of great value—the opportunity to create a large portfolio of work in a short amount of time. I had undertaken photo projects before but always locally, and always using 35mm black and white film. This experience was my first to use a digital SLR camera, which I bought a few days before my plane took off. For someone attempting to find work taking pictures in the future, this transaction was worth the risks presented, at least initially. On February 20th, when my curiosity brought me onto a sniper-assaulted Instytuska St., the danger increased quite dramatically and I had a few really close calls. But until that time, the risk of serious injury, while extremely elevated, was manageable. I wouldn’t classify my decision to travel there as “brave” in the least, especially when my focus would at many times settle on Ukrainians who were far outmatched. Clad in homemade armor, wielding plywood shields, armed with rocks and molotov cocktails, I witnessed these people, in groups of three or four, charge whole companies of trained riot police equipped with proper gear and powerful weapons. The police, in contrast, were supported by large military vehicles, standby ambulances, buckshot-loaded shotguns, a steady supply of stun and smoke grenades, and the might of the State. As an observer with no stake in the conflict, I had it easy. Going home to a stable country after the work is done is something the people I met there can’t do, although that is what they’re working towards. Since October 2013, I had followed developments in Ukraine and Thailand. Thailand drew more of my focus for a time but in January, after attacks at Hrushevskoho St. in downtown Kyiv, Ukraine—which left a number of Euromaidan demonstrators dead—I began to research the situation more closely. I started watching a live camera feed every night to observe what was happening at the barricade, and consulted Ukrainian news sites for updates before the information could make it to the English press. At that point I really possessed no insight into the layout of the city or how, precisely, the occupation on and around Independence Square functioned. My ignorance also extended to the reasons behind the ongoing protests and how a group of citizens could respond so deftly to a police attack, as they did in January, with molotov cocktails, giant catapults, man-sized slingshots and other weapons. As I read and learned more about the history of Ukraine, the tendency of its people to react to unsatisfactory leadership, and the complex connections between various opposing political groups there, I decided to travel to the country. I chose Ukraine instead of Thailand because I felt something there would explode soon—the Ukrainian president at the time, Viktor Yanukovich, was growing impatient tolerating the disobedience in Kyiv, and Euromaidan had evolved into to a small, effective bureaucracy, 8 | CCLaP Weekender
capable of organizing a defensive capability that, as time went on, grew more capable of mounting effective defenses against the police and special domestic forces—the Berkut—sent by the government. It seemed likely, given the passing of highly restrictive and in some estimations, draconian, antiassembly and free speech laws in mid-January, that Yanukovich would very shortly move to destroy the Euromaidan occupation of Independence Square swiftly and finally, and I desired to be in the city for that event (police would attempt this February 18th-20th, and fail). Events proving hard-to-understand (to my Western mind), unfolding elsewhere in the world had always interested me, and I tumbled the notion of “war-photography” in my head a lot after picking up a 35mm camera for the first time ten years ago. But I found other things to do, and time went by. After documenting the anti-NATO protests in Chicago in the summer of 2012 with black and white film, which produced satisfying results, I began to think about the “war-photography” concept again, though I had shifted the focus of this idea away from “war” in particular towards any type of interesting situation. Civil disobedience and mass public action catch my eye the most, but I would be happy to take any kind of picture so long as the subject is relevant to an event or my own experience, or simply magnificent in some fashion. In August 2013, a long-term relationship ended for me, and shortly thereafter, in September, I was involved in a serious motorcycle crash and injured severely, requiring several surgeries and a period of recovery. Coupling those events with a peaked disillusionment, disinterest in my job and a nearperpetual suspicion that I had wasted some type of potential, I found myself wondering if I should just...do something. To regain some agency; to reignite my curiosity; to set the stage for a rearrangement my destiny in a fashion I controlled—I don’t know what the goal was, but something like that I think. So I researched everything I thought to, looking into translators and currency exchange rates, passport/visa requirements, whether or not my cell phone could work in the middle of Ukraine, and did my best to make contacts in Euromaidan and Kyiv before I arrived. What was your arrival and the first few days of your trip like? Chaotic. I had never traveled outside of the USA, nor connected between so many airports, so while I didn’t really experience problems or feel overwhelmed, the experience was challenging in certain ways. Upon arriving to Borispol airport, a few miles outside of Kyiv, passengers had to queue up in a line for passport checks. There was a separate line for foreigners, and this 19-year-old guy with a crew cut and boyish face, wearing a military uniform, checked the passports from within a windowed box. I wasn’t sure what to tell him, if he spoke English, etc. When my turn came up, and before this person could say anything to me, I said to him in shitty Ukrainian “English, please?” to which he replied, in very proficient—and annoyed—English, “What?” He June 20, 2014 | 9
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He appeared bothered and requested the reason for my entrance into Ukraine, to which I replied “journalism.” He led, which surprised me, and said “For Maidan, eh?” I said yes, he stamped my passport and I moved along.
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enunciated the word—”What?” like one would in response to someone who tried to say something but had too much food in their mouth to make any sense. I said “Oh, you speak English.” He appeared bothered and requested the reason for my entrance into Ukraine, to which I replied “journalism.” He smiled, which surprised me, and said “For Maidan, eh?” I said yes, he stamped my passport and I moved along. That was relieving because at that time, Viktor Yanukovich was still in charge and I had no idea how friendly the country would act towards incoming journalists, and was even lacking confidence in my classification as a “journalist” due to the self-directed nature of my project. Before I could exit the terminal, another man in military garb— much older—stopped me to ask how much money I had on my person. I lied and said $200 (I had more than this). He lost interest and allowed me on my way. After exchanging currency at a window, I proceeded to catch a bus to a metro stop to meet a guide I had arranged a week prior. This person, named Dima, I had met on Reddit. I chose to contact him because he posted a lot in the “Ukraine” subreddit in confident English, mostly about Euromaidan. So a few weeks before I departed I sent him a message outlining my intentions, informing him about some of my plans for stories, who I was, etc. At that time, I was intent on finding the leader of a pro-government/ Russia militia in Odessa who was quoted in a newspaper story I found rather fascinating. There was a pro-EU militia in Lviv, and I thought it would be a good idea to speak to the leaders of both groups to get an idea about how both sides saw the issues. I knew where to find the militia leader in Lviv, but his counterpart in Odessa wasn’t so easy to locate. I mentioned this problem to Dima in a Skype conversation, and he found the man on the Ukrainian/ Russian version of Facebook, VK, in about ten minutes. I was amazed, because this demonstrated that I could look as long as I liked but wouldn’t find a thing looking in the wrong places, and if I didn’t know the culture— what social network Ukrainian ethno-nationalists prefer, for instance—I would always look in the wrong places. This small experience served to defeat a lot of arrogance and inform my better judgment that I really, truly, didn’t know what the hell I was doing. Dima was very welcoming, curious, and eager to help me. I offered to pay him but he did not accept any money. Through Skype—which is more popular among Ukrainians than here in the USA—we discussed many topics surrounding the political situation in Ukraine and the country’s social history. Eventually, he offered to meet me at a metro stop—if I could get there myself from the airport—and help me get to downtown Kyiv, where I had booked a hostel. I had paid for a week’s stay in advance. This hostel in particular attracted me due to its proximity to the center of Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square, where the Euromaidan occupation took place / is taking place). Dima and his companion, a very pretty girl in her early 20s who also spoke English 16 | CCLaP Weekender
well, met me as planned and then guided me through the Kyiv underground subway network to my hostel downtown, which overlooked Independence Square, and Euromaidan. One of their friends, a girl from Lviv named Yulia who volunteered at Euromaidan in the kitchens, knew where everything was in the tent-city and met us a few minutes after I set my bags down in my room. So before I could really settle in and only four hours off the plane, she took us all on a whirlwind tour of the whole encampment: to the Hrushevskoho barricade, where the riot police stood still and quiet facing the protestors, into and through Ukrainian House (a Euromaidan-occupied city building), to and through various tents and many other places. Her uncle is a member of the Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform (UDAR—the party headed by recently inducted mayor of Kyiv Vitali Kitschko, a former boxing champion), who she wanted us to meet. At this point my press pass, which I had requested and received from a Chicago-based Ukrainian weekly—became quite valuable, as many of those working for the Euromaidan movement inspected it and would not have allowed me into certain areas without it. Yulia led us to a private area inside one of the larger tents, but I had not taken my audio recorder or prepared any questions, so after meeting this man I arranged to come back in a day or two. His name was Bogdan, and our conversation some days after our first meeting became one of the most memorable and enjoyable interviews I conducted during my time in the country. The man is also very interesting to me, personally, and I’m glad to have met him. My mind melted a little because there were so many people there that night—it was a Saturday, and one of the “viche” days, when thousands of people attend the Euromaidan demonstration to listen to speeches and just walk around and talk to each other, so everyone was shoulder-to-shoulder. What did you learn about the crisis that reading second hand accounts, as most Americans who followed the story, could not demonstrate? I suppose the most serious misconception I dispelled for myself was that Euromaidan was directed by fascists, Nazis or other right-wing groups, like Svoboda or Right Sector. Those groups were surely visible and active at Euromaidan, but many members of the movement told me quite openly that they didn’t care for Svoboda, but put up with them because of their organizational discipline and support of the movement. They tolerated Right Sector because the group fought against the police—hard—and were proactive in building barricades and any other general logistics to do with defending the camp. A lot of people at Euromaidan told me they were apolitical (or so they claimed) and expressed no love for any of the parties involved in the Maidan opposition (the Maidan People’s Union—a coalition comprised of three parties, Batkivshchyna, UDAR and Svoboda). What perhaps made it difficult for people with a cursory familiarity of June 20, 2014 | 17
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I suppose the most serious misconception I dispelled for myself was that Euromaidan was directed by fascists, Nazis or other right-wing groups, like Svoboda or Right Sector. Those groups were surely visible and active at Euromaidan, but many members of the movement told me quite openly that they didn’t care for Svoboda, but put up with them because of their organizational discipline and 22 | CCLaP of Weekender support the movement.
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Ukrainian history to believe in the movement’s moderate demeanor was the casual and numerous Ukrainian ultranationalist symbols present on the grounds of Euromaidan. Massive pictures of Stepan Bandera adorned the square. The red and black flag—formerly associated with the UIA, Bandera’s guerrilla army which most infamously conducted ethnic cleansing operations in Poland, but also fought the Nazis and USSR for Ukrainian independence— flew everywhere, in some places outnumbering the traditional and official yellow and blue Ukrainian national flag. Most people at Euromaidan, however—many of whom were quite young—did not associate these symbols with those acts or the ethnocentric nationalism they are connected to, and in most cases seemed ignorant of the other side of Stepan Bandera, or what may have come about had he succeeded in uniting Ukraine under his banner (a totalitarian, ethnically-singular Ukraine – maybe). To them, the symbols seemed to function as rallying points under which Ukrainians could organize and fight to reform the country into a less oppressive place with reduced corruption and increased respect for its citizenry in the face of an abusive and violent government. That being said, Bandera-imagery doesn’t help in relations with Jews or Poles still angry about acts committed by the UIA, and it is not a mistake to question and wonder about these symbols, the involvement of Svoboda (a nationalistic party) and especially Right-Sector (who are openly hostile towards many progressive ideologies and quick to take matters into their own hands with direct action, although they seem to be moderating as the group aspires to become a proper political party-platform), because it would be truly unfortunate if those groups were to actually co-opt the movement. That would spell bad news for both a tolerant Ukraine and the success of any EU ascension deals coming through in the future. So I’m happy that so many were, and continue to be skeptical and critical towards those groups’ involvement, but from my experience on the ground there, I believe Euromaidan to be a moderate and tolerant movement overall: ethnically welcoming and generally progressive within the Ukrainian political sphere. The mere involvement of right-wing fringe groups doesn’t indicate they have co-opted Euromaidan’s leadership. Speaking to Andreas Umland, an expert in far-right extremism in postSoviet Russia and Ukraine, helped me to understand a bit more of the nuance present in the nationalistic imagery at Euromaidan. There were a number of Svoboda / Pravy Sector appointments to the new government. My hopes are that these temporary positions were awarded as a “thank you” of sorts for their work in the movement, and not the beginning of a framework. Svoboda / Right Sector do not enjoy such popularity among the Ukrainian voting population under normal circumstances, so currently they are heavily over-represented in the temporary administration. New elections are coming soon—only then will we know if there might be a problem with ultranationalists invading Ukraine’s new government. 24 | CCLaP Weekender
How did your experience change once the movement entered violent conflict? It should be understood that violent incidents occurred in and around the Euromaidan sphere of influence in December and January, before I arrived. The genesis of the movement, in fact, came to be after riot police forcefully dispersed students demonstrating on Independence Square on November 30th/December 1st. January saw more police offensives, abductions of Euromaidan demonstrators, and the first display of an organized, competent tactical response from the Euromaidan movement on Hreshevskoho St— images of these battles captured the world’s attention and functioned as one of the main factors which drove my travel to Ukraine in February. While most of my time on the ground was spent exploring a quiet and positive environment, clashes in which people were hurt had taken place prior to my arrival. My plane landed in Borispol on February 7th, and I left Ukraine early on the 22nd. In fifteen days of work, only the 18th, 19th, and 20th produced situations in which my safety was threatened. Before the 18th, most of my activities, while exciting and interesting to me, were quite subdued and generally positive. I saw my role as a photographer but also as a collector of information—I intended to practice my ability to ask intelligent questions and research quickly. My plans were always to interview people about the movement, and many of my nights were filled with transcription of these interactions as I ate giant citrus in my hostel’s common area across the room from interesting French photojournalists. The people I spoke to on the grounds of Independence Square, at the barricades, and in tents and buildings seemed hopeful and positive about their future. Running on the high-octane morale boost of a successful repulsion of attempted government invasion in January and the resulting attention of the world press, the repeal of a much-despised law restricting free-speech and assembly just one week after implementation, and the news of various western cities—notably, Lviv—forming pro-EU militias and breaking free of Yanukovich-government control, no one I met at Euromaidan resented working for the cause. “The cause” at that point remained nebulous, and in my opinion this lack of hard cohesion contributed greatly to Euromaidan’s logistical success. At present, the Ukrainian situation is mired in politics, minor ethnic tension and an increasing probability of major conflict with Russia due to its meddling. The enemy is no longer so simple to identity—Eastern Ukrainian separatists? The interim government—can they be trusted? Russian nationals interfering in the activities of a sovereign state? Putin? But in February, the enemy was most certainly understood to be Viktor Yanukovich, his family, and the corrupt structure his tenure had grown within the Verhova Rada. Four months ago, “Maidan” existed as an achievable end goal—an antidote to the irresponsible custodianship of a single man and his retinue— and less of a working ideology. This property of the movement allowed activists June 20, 2014 | 25
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The enemy is no longer so simple to identity—Eastern Ukrainia separatists? The interim government—can they be trusted? Rus nationals interfering in the activities of a sovereign state? Puti in February, the enemy was most certainly understood to be Vik Yanukovich, his family, and the corrupt structure his tenure had grown within the Verhova Rada.
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of diametrically opposed ideologies to function together by substituting their own ethos. The hoped-for conclusion to Euromaidan was a “free, healthy Ukraine”— the precise meaning of those words to citizens participating in the movement changed from person to person and in my observations, was not discussed heavily. When eyes are on the road, and not the destination, people seem to get along better. No matter who I met or what they believed, the positivity coalesced in the air—one waded through it. Everyone’s main directive seemed to be support, evident most often in the massive volunteer operations occurring on the grounds in the areas of food preparation, medical care, technical/IT/ journalist support, defense of the grounds (“Self-Defense”) and equipment maintenance / structure erection, but there was also a narrative continuity present in the intentions of all I spoke to. Before February 18-20th, Ukrainian’s reasons for involvement centered around a love of their country—a healthy nationalism, if you will—and a hatred for Viktor Yanukovich and the polices of his administration. After those dates, especially the 20th, when many people were shot from afar by snipers who fired on them from atop the Ukrainian Hotel on Insytuska St., those reasons turned to vengeance. Had the conflict gone further after that, I believe additional responses from Euromaidan to police or any forces sent by the government would have grown more radical and serious. But this did not occur, due to the implosion of public support for Yanukovich after events of February 20th became known, his subsequent escape to Russia and the fall of his administration. Viktor Yanukovich, then still the democratically elected President of Ukraine (by most accounts), lost all influence by the 23rd of February. February 18th brought with it a feeling that the fuse of tension, only barely aglow when I arrived, had ignited and burned perilously close to the trigger. Early in the day violence occurred between police and Euromaidan demonstrators in Mariinsky Park. I was not present for that event as I had decided to cover the Hrushevskoho St. barricade that morning, where many Euromaidan Self-Defense members had gathered and marched out to meet police in a stunning display of confidence. The gate opened around 11:20 and Euromaidan marched forward triple or quadruple file, slowly expanding to form a line facing the police some 100 feet away. The police stood behind their shields, but Euromaidan had stolen or manufactured their own shields for months, and all members who stood facing the internal troops and Berkut units of the Yanukovich administration held one. To myself and anyone unfamiliar with the plan (which, I learn later, was to only bait the police into sending more of their units to Hrushvskoho in order to drain the violence from Mariinsky Park park a mile away), two armies were meeting and I firmly believed I would soon witness a battle of immense proportions unfold before my eyes. This did not occur, of course, as after about 30 minutes of saberrattling (and shield-banging), Euromaidan units withdrew back through the barricade. This event overloaded my neurons temporarily so I decided to buy some groceries and return to my hostel, as I had gotten sick a few days earlier 32 | CCLaP Weekender
and the fumes of burning tires upset my sinuses in a magnificent capacity. Upon returning to my room I promptly fell asleep. I awoke around 16:00 and cursed my body for allowing so much sleep at such a time. More people had gathered upon Independence Square in my time away. Many more—there were now crowds and it was difficult to move around. Men ran past shouting things in Ukrainian and I felt that something had occurred. I began to walk towards Instytuska St., where I observed a swelling of armored Euromaidan volunteers shoring up the barricade there. As I approached, I realized that the increase in numbers on the Square was due to the fact that areas previously held by Euromaidan for weeks had been captured by police. Since I had last walked outdoors, the Euromaidan occupation had lost a third of its ground. Hrushevskoho barricade had been lost. Ukrainian House— lost. Instytuska was next and I suddenly realized that the police had finished standing in rows staring at barricades—they were finally marching on the beast, intending to put it down. Further travel up Instytuska now impossible, I climbed the hill upon which the October Palace lies to find a better view of police movements. October Palace is a beautiful, century-old columned structure gleaming in ivory white and pale yellow colors which functions as a centre of culture and arts in Kyiv. I had admired it many times as I passed by in the previous weeks in my travels up and down Instytuska to meet people or explore. From this hill I observed police advancing Northwest on Instituska—towards my position—and intended to puncture the core of the Euromaidan movement, Independence Square. I began taking pictures as the people around me, some wearing masks, began to throw stones down to the street. Ten minutes later police—and when I say “police”, I mean a combination of internal troops (drafted young men who tend to domestic matters, a remnant of a Soviet program) and Berkut special forces—ascended to the grounds of October Palace, carrying shields and clad in full riot gear. Euromaidan members gathered immediately to my front, most holding shields made from plywood or steel. I did not know what to expect but quickly ascertained that I was the only photographer present to document whatever would occur and this filled me with a sense of duty...to what, exactly, I’m not too sure. As a smoke grenade exploded five feet away from me, I watched as a defiant Euromaidan member marched through the noxious fumes while covering his nose and mouth while taunting the formidable line of police—I took some pictures. A troop of Euromaidan combatants gathered and formed a line of protective shields as others threw molotov cocktails at the swarming police unit from behind—some of these extremely dangerous incendiaries exploded directly onto the heads of police, bathing them in liquid fire. I took some more pictures, delaying processing of the reality in front of me a bit longer. Only after a man in full camouflaged fatigues rolled a flaming tire at the approaching police with a defiance that I could feel did I understand that I was covering a battle. I did not expect to ever exist in such a situation but after June 20, 2014 | 33
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Since I had last walked outdoors, the Euromaidan occupation h lost a third of its ground. Hrushevskoho barricade had been los Ukrainian House—lost. Instytuska was next and I suddenly rea that the police had finished standing in rows staring at barricad they were finally marching on the beast, intending to put it dow
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acknowledging it I understood that I had not captured any close-up pictures of the police and Berkut fighting the people whose shields I crouched behind, so I decided to run up to their formation and try to take their picture, hoping they wouldn’t shoot me with buckshot. Maybe I didn’t think they would shoot a photographer...I can’t, unfortunately, recall my exact thoughts at the time as the adrenaline was pumping and my memory seems to get pretty fuzzy about it. In any case, this decision resulted in the capture of one of my favorite photos from my work in Kyiv: the formation of internal troops, clad in black behind their shields while a molotov cocktail-induced fire burns at their feet. To their left a shieldless commanding Berkut officer stands aggressively, holding a baton out to his side like an axe—out of the 30 or so police in the shot, he is the only person whose face is clearly seen, and he looked pissed. At that event I realized two things: the first was that I could no longer waste time honing my interview skills, as my primary, practiced strengths lie in photography, and the global significance of the events ongoing demanded that I contribute my best assets. The second was that I seem to be a person who would go to great lengths for a good picture, exposing myself to some amount of risk in the process. I have examined this tendency and have not yet determined the full reasoning behind it, although at the time I recall thinking that I had traveled too far to run away and was afraid of regret. C
Rich Myers has a bio that will eventually go here. He might also want to mention anyplace online where people can see more of these images. David Masciotra is a columnist with the Indianapolis Star, and a regular contributor to the Daily Beast, the Federalist, and Splice Today. He is the author of All That We Learned About Living: The Art and Legacy of John Mellencamp (forthcoming, University Press of Kentucky), and a “33 1/3” book on Metallica (forthcoming, Bloomsbury Publishers). Find him online at davidmasciotra.com.
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CCLaP Publishing
An official painter for the Lithuanian Communist Party, Martynas Kudirka enjoys a pleasant, unremarkable life with a beautiful wife and all the privileges that come with being a party member. Yet in the summer of 1989, his ordinary world suddenly turns upside down. Political revolt is breaking out across Eastern Europe, and Martynas comes home to find his wife dead on the kitchen floor with a knife in her back. Realizing the police will not investigate, he sets out to find his wife’s killer. Instead, he stumbles upon her secret life. Martynas finds himself drawn into the middle of an independence movement, on a quest to find confidential documents that could free a nation. Cold War betrayals echo down through the years as author Bronwyn Mauldin takes the reader along a modern-day path of discovery to find out Martynas’ true identity. Fans of historical fiction will travel back in time to 1989, the Baltic Way protest and Lithuania’s “singing revolution,” experiencing a nation’s determination for freedom and how far they would fight to regain it.
Download for free at cclapcenter.com/lovesongs
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The CCLaP Weekender is published in electronic form only, every Friday for free download at the CCLaP website [cclapcenter.com]. Copyright 2014, Chicago Center for Literature and Photography. All rights revert back to artists upon publication. Editorin-chief: Jason Pettus. Story Editor: Allegra Pusateri. Calendar Editors: Anna Thiakos and Taylor Carlile. To submit your work for possible feature, or to add a calendar item, contact us at cclapcenter@gmail.com.
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