The Storm, The Strife, and Everyday Life: Sea Changes in the Suburbs by Harvard GSD

Daniel Dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Oca

The Storm, the Strife, and Everyday Life: Sea Changes in the Suburbs

Fall 2014

Studio Report

Daniel Dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Oca

The Storm, the Strife, and Everyday Life: Sea Changes in the Suburbs

Studio Instructor Daniel D’Oca

This book presents work from an interdisciplinary studio held at the Harvard University Graduate School of Design in Fall 2014. This studio invited students from all departments (Architecture, Landscape Architecture, Urban Planning, and Urban Design) to take stock of how Long Island is changing, and then use this research to work with community-based organizations to envision, design, and outline steps toward inclusive, socially just futures for Long Island’s communities, and for Long Island as a whole. In a research phase, students looked at how newer issues on Long Island (increased immigration, increased poverty, the aging of the population, the so-called great inversion, sea-level rise, etc.) have combined with more familiar regional problems (racial segregation, political fragmentation, a relative dearth of housing and transportation options, etc.) to create a situation that is unsustainable and requires a change in business as usual. In a subsequent design phase, students worked with nonprofit and community-based partners on initiatives aimed at updating Long Island’s communities for today’s demographic and environmental realities.

Studio Collaborators Doina Petrescu, Constantin Petcou Teaching Assistant Irene Figueroa Ortiz Students Rebekah Armstrong, Andrew Gipe, Courtney Goode, Allison Green, David Henning, Tamotsu Ito, Yuxiang Luo, Marcus Pulsipher, Wilson Qian, Paloma Garcia Simon, Stephen Sun, Rob Wellburn Review Critics Baye Adofo-Wilson, Eran Ben-Joseph, Anita Berrizbeitia, James Carras, Jana Cephas, Diane E. Davis, Lisa Selin Davis, Gerald Frug, Elaine Gross, Andrew Howard, Jane Hutton, Robert Lane, Lawrence Levy, Kathryn Madden, Rahul Mehrotra, Marc Norman, Thad Pawlowski, Damon Rich, Ivan Rupnik, June Williamson Sponsorship This studio was made possible in part by generous donations from the Horace and Amy Hagedorn Fund in the NY Community Trust, the Long Island Community Foundation, and the Rauch Foundation.

Title

8 Foreword Larry Levy 10

Introduction: Getting It Right About What's Wrong Daniel D’Oca

Essays on Long Island

Role of Urban Design in Retrofitting Long Island’s Suburbs June Williamson

Projects for Long Island

Mastic Beach Village: Trust Us Rebekah Armstrong

Bridging Baldwin Rui Qian and Stephen Sun

The Publicization of Private Space Rob Wellburn

The Project Lot: A Working Parkscape for Freeport Courtney Goode

106

Prospect for New Cassel David Henning

113

The School House Project Marcus Pulsipher

From Transect to InterSECT: A Regional Design Agenda Rabert Lane

Long Island’s “Little Boxes” David Rusk

Reflections on Pedagogy and Resilience Doina Petrescu, Constantin Petcou

123

Peconic Loop Paloma Garcia Simon

Visiting Long Island

130

Field Trip Log Lisa Selin Davis

Making Community Art Space Together Tomatsu Ito and Yuxiang Luo

Stakeholder Meeting Summaries

Research: Suburban Sea Changes

140

Immigration Paloma Garcia Simon, Yuxiang Luo

Black Flight Allison Green, Marcus Pulsipher

Poverty Rebekah Armstrong, Rob Wellburn

Aging Tomatsu Ito, Rui Qian

Brain Drain David Henning, Stephen Sun

Sea-Level Rise Andrew Gipe, Courtney Goode

Environmental Justice for North Park Marcus Pulsipher

146 Contributors

Foreword

Think big. Think boldly. Think bravely. If you’re talking about places and spaces, phrases like these seem most compatible with the scale, sensibility, and volatility—the towering problems matched by the irrepressible energy—of a major city. Who would ascribe these ambitions to a stereotypically sterile and prosperous suburb? Unfortunately for the 55 percent of Americans who live in those places between city and country, the answer is that not many people—or at least not enough—take suburbia seriously. Not many even know about the increasingly crushing economic, social, and environmental challenges in more and more suburban communities. And that includes not a few suburbanites. For years, first as a newspaper columnist and now as an academic, I’ve liked to say, “It’s not your mother and father’s suburb anymore.” I’m not the only political or social commentator to say as much, as demographic and other changes have altered—no, obliterated—the Leave It to Beaver (or to John Cheever) image of white picket fences and white nuclear families. But the pace of change is so pronounced that it’s not even my children’s suburbs. Thus there’s a pressing

Larry Levy

imperative to bring “big, bold, and brave” thinking to complex challenges ranging from poverty and pollution to racism and (literally) rising tides. That many of these small, sometimes insular, and isolated communities are ill-equipped to confront them—if they are willing at all—only adds to the urgency to find fresh, creative, and even fanciful solutions. And no suburb needs these more than Long Island. Enter the talented students in Daniel D’Oca’s studio course at the Harvard Graduate School of Design. When Professor D’Oca approached me at the National Center for Suburban Studies at Hofstra University, I was excited about helping to shape the project. Wouldn’t it be intriguing to see what arguably the best and brightest design students in the world could do to help “America’s First Suburb” as it still was reeling from the twin traumas of Superstorm Sandy and the Great Recession? But to be honest, I also was skeptical. How could a group of young adults, regardless of their academic pedigree, swoop in for a few days and really understand, much less solve, problems that have frustrated professionals, politicians, and everyday people for decades? How could their work be anything more than superficial? Yet the results of their “swoopings and snoopings”—their conscientious research, online and in the homes, offices, and even boats of more than 100 Long Islanders—have produced some

innovative proposals. With their insightful syntheses of new and old ideas, the students thought big, boldly, and bravely. Some of the ideas are “shovel ready.” And while some might seem too fanciful for a cautious suburban village mayor, all of them are worthy of serious contemplation. Collectively, they provide no less than a map of what a diverse group of millennials—an age cohort coveted by suburban leaders—see as a road to revival in the “crabgrass frontier.” Dismiss them at the region’s peril. But the proposals aren’t just for Long Island. The region, as an aging “inner ring” suburb, may be experiencing problems more profoundly than many other suburbs, but it’s hardly alone. According to research by the Brookings Institution and others, and reflected in the projects that follow, suburbs across the country now rival their central cities for poverty, pollution, segregation, truancy, drug use, gang activity, and pockets of failing schools. The work on these pages could be applied to many suburban communities—if not specifically, then for the inspiration to bring “smart growth” and “transit-oriented development” to places that remain unsustainably dependent on automobiles and single-family homes, and not nearly resilient enough to the rising tides and other vulnerabilities of climate change. These places might be less wasteful and more appealing to young and elderly people alike if they offered a greater variety of housing, employment, and cultural options—fewer cookie-cutter houses and more apartments built around rail and bus hubs, more villages where people can connect and create. Call them “cool downtowns,” as one Long Island politician did. Call them “suburban hubs,” as I do. Whatever, call them essential to the future of the places where more than half of the country lives.

Introduction: Getting It Right About What's Wrong

Unlike many colleagues in the urban design and planning professions, I love the suburbs. I enjoy driving. I like lawns. I think strip malls are beautiful. Having grown up in a suburban community in New Jersey similar to some of the Long Island communities mentioned in this book, I am familiar with—and in some ways drawn to—the affordability, convenience, and quality of life that suburbs can afford. The basic building blocks of suburbia—single-family houses, office parks, shopping malls, etc.—do not, as one curmudgeonly critic wrote, constitute a “geography of nowhere,” but a potentially rich backdrop for places that are as complex and meaningful as any urban environment. Adjectives like “soulless,” “cookie-cutter,” and “boring” that commentators so liberally (and so carelessly) affix to the suburban experience almost always oversimplify and betray a tendency—all too prevalent in the design professions—to universalize our own values and tastes. Suburbs certainly don’t appeal to everyone, but there is a reason why more than half of Americans live in them, and why suburbs, since 2010, account for more than 70 percent of US population growth in major urban areas (and why many of the fastest-growing cities are characterized by sprawling, suburban-style land use patterns): people like suburbs and see them as an attractive, affordable, and desirable option.1

Daniel D’Oca

Although this book—and the studio it summarizes—takes a critical view of contemporary suburbs generally and Long Island in particular, it is not a blanket attack on suburbia, sprawl, or low-density development, and it is certainly not an attack on Long Island, a place that many students in the studio came to admire quite a lot. Unlike a number of recent books on the suburbs, I do not understand suburbs or Long Island as a “dead end,” think that we are seeing the “end of the suburb,” or believe that we should aspire to become a “country of cities.” Instead, our targeted criticism can be summarized in two simple points: • Suburbs such as Long Island have experienced environmental and demographic transformations (what we are calling “suburban sea changes”), but have been slow to respond to these transformations. • Suburbs such as Long Island were built on exclusion; more needs to be done to make inclusive suburban communities that attract and are accessible to more people. Suburban Sea Changes For many Long Islanders, the devastation caused by Superstorm Sandy was a wakeup call, adding urgency to a nascent discussion about the region’s vulnerability to storm surge, sealevel rise, and heavy rain events that regularly

Suburban Exclusion In their chapter in this volume on “Black Flight,” Allison Green and Marcus Pulsipher remind us that racial segregation is the product of policies and practices aimed (sometimes explicitly) at creating two Americas, separate and unequal. Many of these exclusionary policies—for example, racial zoning, racial steering, and racial covenants—have been outlawed, but their legacy is alive and well. Long Island today is one of the most racially segregated regions in the United States, and the abovementioned tools (and others like them) are largely to blame. As sociologist John Logan put it, “Long Island is becoming more diverse . . . But within Nassau County there’s been hardly any change in the degree of segregation.” In fact, writes Logan, segregation is by some measures increasing, as “the predominantly minority areas are becoming more minority” and “the predominantly white areas are staying mostly white.”4 It is clear that tools of exclusion, albeit perhaps less blatant than in the past, still operate in spite of Fair Housing legislation. For example, as the nonprofit ERASE Racism has pointed out, many Long Island communities that build affordable housing build them under “resident preference” restrictions

that give existing residents preferences on affordable units. Since most towns that use these restrictions are white, they have a discriminatory effect. African Americans aren’t the only population that has been excluded. As Paloma Garcia Simon and Yuxiang Luo show in their chapter on “Immigration,” many Long Island communities have adopted policies that make it difficult for immigrants to find affordable housing on the island, including the prohibition of multiple dwellers in a single room or multiple families in a single unit. As ERASE Racism puts it, the fight against discrimination in housing is “more than a fight for fair housing. It is a fight for opportunity— the opportunity to live in a community with high-performing schools, good jobs, and other amenities for us and for our children.”5 Indeed, because these opportunities are so unevenly distributed on Long Island, restricting access to the communities that have them amounts to depriving people of basic things we all want and deserve. What’s To Be Done? So what can an almost exclusively auto-based, segregated suburb of detached single-family homes, with a dearth of affordable housing and transportation options, a highly balkanized system of governance, and tremendous vulnerability to storm surge do to adapt itself to today’s ecological and demographic realities? How can Long Island work better for immigrants, minorities, seniors, singles, and other populations that have recently made the island their home? How can Long Island become more inclusive? Within the modest parameters of a 15-week studio operating from Cambridge, Massachusetts, we have tried our best to address these questions. I am personally thrilled with the results and sincerely hope that the 10 projects presented here will resonate with the Long Island public and add fuel to a conversation about Long Island’s future.

1. Aaron M. Renn, “In Praise of Boring Cities,” The Guardian, October 1, 2014. 2. US Census Bureau. 3. Lewis Mumford, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961.) 4. Brian Resnick and Stephanie Stamm, “The State of Segregation in the Suburbs,” National Journal, January 7, 2015. 5. ERASE Racism, “Apartment Availability Not the Same for African American and White Renters,” press release, 2015.

overwhelm the antiquated sewer system. But when Sandy struck, Long Island had another sea change on its mind. Consider the following: • Between 2000 and 2012, the poor population in US suburbs grew by 65 percent—more than twice the rate of growth in large cities. • In the past decade, minorities have accounted for more than 90 percent of suburban population growth in the United States.2 Statistics like these, plus peak oil predictions, the overwhelmingly urban lifestyle preferences of millennials and boomers, and numerous other indicators pointing to a “great inversion” of wealth and opportunity from suburbs to cities, have prompted many leaders on Long Island to realize that the suburb as we know it may be reaching the end of its shelf life. Lewis Mumford’s enduring image of “a multitude of uniform, unidentifiable houses, lined up inflexibly, at uniform distances, on uniform roads, in a treeless communal waste, inhabited by people of the same class, the same income, the same age group . . . conforming in every outward and inward respect to a common mold”3 still strikes a chord, but there is little question that suburbs are rapidly changing. No longer the exclusive province of well-off, white, car-driving nuclear families, Long Island’s suburbs are increasingly diverse, increasingly poor, and increasingly wet.

Essays on Long Island

June Williamson

The majority of North Americans—and not just those in the middle classes—have spent decades designing, building, and living in predominantly suburban landscapes. Urban designers will spend the next generation retrofitting these places to the new needs of the 21st century and beyond, to help build a resilient future suburbia that is sensitive to climate change, with compact nodes of human settlement, pedestrian- and bike-friendly transportation routes to promote better health, and responsiveness to swiftly changing demographics and the desires of daily life now. For New York’s Long Island region, surrounded by water and seemingly built out, the challenges are many: to build equitable, affordable places to live and to provide a much greater range of housing options and choice; to bring diverse communities together in a shared public realm; to help design solutions to fractured governance that now permits de facto racial, ethnic, and income segregation to be stubbornly persistent; to increase transit mobility options and reduce fossil fuel dependence; to meet the needs of retiring baby boomers who want to age in community; to redress the “brain drain” of younger residents who don’t see a future and leave; to preserve remaining open space and natural resources; and to manage a lengthy developed coastline at increasing risk from flooding and sea-level rise. The student designs emerging from Dan D’Oca’s Harvard GSD studio engage the accumulated findings of urban design discussions reaching back to the 1960s about how to respond in meaningful ways to suburbanization and sprawl. Debates regarding how to read and respond to symbolism in the everyday postwar suburban landscape and the effects of class bias in design professionals are still with us. Concerns about traditional urban form and walkability versus car culture and the legacies of urban renewal are ongoing. Fears about the decline of public space also persist, albeit altered with the emergence of networked culture.

Discussions have expanded to encompass both the local and the global, as no region today is isolated from worldwide migrations of people and flows of goods and capital, creating conditions both dynamic and destabilizing. In my research into suburban retrofitting across North America and specifically on Long Island, I’ve identified many successful and promising urban design tactics. Some tactics deployed in this studio, with encouraging results, include: • At the lot scale: reconceiving “hanging out” places as a network of community-strengthening public spaces; designing landscapes to bring day labor out from the shadows. • At the downtown or neighborhood scale: building bridges across separated areas— literally—by enhancing transit stations and walking paths; stealthily repurposing vacant school properties embedded in existing neighborhoods with sensitively designed new housing for excluded populations. • At the regional scale: building social capital through, for example, collaborative furniture building projects; telling persuasive stories to encourage retreat from shores threatened by sea-level rise. To those who are skeptical of the ability of urban design to usefully engage with issues posed in this studio, my response is twofold. First, design is crucial to producing needed visualizations of a better future—including some visions that are outside or beyond models known from currently lived experiences—to which policy-makers, planners, and citizens can aspire and work toward. Second, speculative urban design, while often not immediately implementable, introduces new bits of “design DNA” into the mix. After all, it was inventive designers from the mid-20th century who came up with much of now-normalized suburbia as we know it—the patterning of small detached houses, enclosed shopping malls, drive-to office parks, limited access highways, etc.—in response to the challenges posed by automobile technology, housing shortages, the postwar economic shift to consumer products, and other forces of that time. Of course these earlier innovations also reflected class anxieties and race antagonism in ways that new thinking must confront head-on. And times have changed. In D’Oca’s phrasing, sea changes are buffeting the region. Things can’t—and won’t—stay the same. I ask every designer and every citizen reading this volume: what will you do to design a better, more resilient future for Long Island?

Role of Urban Design in Retrofitting Long Island’s Suburbs

From Transect to InterSECT: A Regional Design Agenda

Robert Lane

The New York metro region has done better recently than the rest of the country in many ways: crime is down, longevity is up, and the region has come out of the recession in better shape. But at the same time, the region has become more segregated and less affordable. Nearly half of the region’s population lives at the extreme ends of the race/poverty spectrum, in communities that are either white/low poverty or nonwhite/high poverty. Nowhere are these trends more in evidence than in the suburbs, where poverty rates have increased fastest. More than a third of the region’s households spend more than one-third of their income on housing. Long Island epitomizes these trends, and when it comes to some issues such as housing affordability, exceeds the regional trends: Long Island has half as much rental housing as the other suburbs around New York. Polarization and segregation in the region are reflected in the fragmentation and discontinuity of the suburban landscape. Despite the much-touted return to the cities, it is now clear that future levels of metropolitan growth will not enable us to retrofit our way back to a regional pattern organized around transit corridors, dense mixed-use centers, and large swaths of intact greensward. The well-considered vision of transit-oriented development presented in “Bridging Baldwin” may work in some places. But as the implied critique of “Prospect for New Cassel” suggests, the conventional strategy of revitalizing the region’s downtowns by capturing mixed-use infill redevelopment has its limits. Similarly, the “Peconic Loop” proposal to link two municipalities around a new bay-side greenway reveals how difficult it is to reorganize a fragmented suburban landscape, even when there is a spectacular natural resource at the center. The fact is that our region is now beyond polycentric, characterized instead by disparate concentrations of activity that mirror growing income polarization and segregation. In some

places, these concentrations seem to collide to create new patterns that are not urban, suburban, or rural; and in other places they seem to deny each other to create open spaces that are best described as residual. As explored in “The Publicization of Private Space,” jurisdiction and ownership in the broadest sense are not clear for many of these leftover and in-between spaces. As the region grows into itself, some interesting in-between and hybrid conditions will result, suggesting the need for new design and governance strategies. In some cases, new building types will be needed, especially new forms of live-work mixed use. In other cases, we will have to find new ways to repurpose leftover buildings and spaces. The “School House Project” demonstrates how the adaptive reuse of an underutilized school building can become the anchor for a new neighborhood. “The Project Lot: A Working Parkscape for Freeport” reimagines a leftover space as a center for workforce development and for building community support for undocumented labor. Underlying all of this is a crisis of governance. The New York metro region has at least one unit of government (municipality, fire district, school district, etc.) for every 5,700 people, the highest ratio in the country. On Long Island, 21 units of government are involved in funding public libraries, whereas an equivalent geography in Northern Virginia requires only four. “Mastic Beach Village: Trust Us” points the way to a local response to the global-scale challenges of sealevel rise and climate change, explaining how a community can create a local land trust to move vulnerable populations within their borders to higher and safer ground. “Environmental Justice for North Park” suggests the need to build local capacity where municipal government has fallen short. For planners and designers alike, these challenges point to the need for new forms of interdisciplinary practice. “Making Community Art Space Together” is the exemplar of this approach: a kit of parts allows the stakeholders to collaborate both to design a public space and to build local social capital. Here is the intersection of design and capacity building that is less about finding fixed solutions and more about defining processes that enable experimental and provisional solutions to the evolving problems and orphaned spaces of the Long Island landscape.

David Rusk

Traveling around the country, one is often asked, “Where are you from?” It’s a good bet that Long Island residents don’t say, “Woodsburgh, New York” or even “Hempstead, New York.” They’ll say, “Long Island.” Everyone knows Long Island. Yet Long Island hardly forms a “community.” In fact, Long Island is one of the most governmentally fragmented and socially fractured regions in the country. Though the bloody clash between George Washington’s continentals and General William Howe’s redcoats on Brooklyn Heights was called “the Battle of Long Island,” for more than a century “Long Island” has been defined as Nassau and Suffolk counties. Governmentally, Nassau County is divided into two cities, three towns, and 64 villages; Suffolk County has 10 towns and 33 villages. That’s 112 local governments that, under state law, exercise “comprehensive” land use planning and zoning powers. (A typical village area is 1.43 square miles.) Collectively, that’s a lot of government. In fact, out of 383 metro areas, Long Island ranks as the United States’ 11th most governmentally fragmented region. And its 125 public school districts make it the third most educationally fragmented. (This doesn’t even count “hamlets”—70 in Nassau County, 133 in Suffolk County—that don’t actually have hamlet governments but are real places in the eyes of their residents, often having a post office and a chamber of commerce.) It’s no wonder that I’ve labeled Long Island a “little boxes” region, which reflects adverse circumstances. • Among the 60 largest metro areas, Long Island ranks as the 11th most segregated for blacks and 23rdmost segregated for Hispanics. The unspoken mission of most “little boxes” planning commissions and school boards is “to keep our town (or our schools) just the way they are for people just like us”—whoever “us” happens to be. • There are tremendous income disparities among “little boxes.” Average household

•

income in Cove Neck village, for example, is more than seven times greater than that in Hempstead village. Whereas “big box” cities such as Charlotte, North Carolina, or Houston, Texas, do have their richer and poorer neighborhoods, all are part of the same “big box” fiscal structure, with uniform tax rates. Thus, wealthier neighborhoods help maintain good services and facilities in poorer neighborhoods. But in “little boxes” Long Island, for example, the Town of Smithtown ($441,859 property tax base per residence in 2013) gets no help from nearby, superwealthy Sagaponack village ($6,850,042 per residence). In the municipal bond market, smaller is not more beautiful. Long Island villages’ bond ratings average a step below the bond ratings of the larger towns in which they are located. It costs village governments more to finance infrastructure and community facilities.

How can these harmful “little boxism” patterns be overcome? One path was shown by the New York General Assembly; fearful that sky-high housing costs from local exclusionary zoning were jeopardizing Long Island’s future economic growth, it mandated that all 112 towns and villages allow affordable housing through the Long Island Workforce Housing Act of 2008. A second path would be for the General Assembly to empower Nassau and Suffolk counties to act preemptively on issues that transcend municipal boundaries. A third option would honor New York’s tradition of local home rule by authorizing county governments to designate multi-municipal “communities of common interest” to address multi-municipal issues. Within the “community of common interest,” all residents (and their town and village governments) would have to adhere to majority rule—the many “little boxes” acting as one bigger box.

Long Island’s “Little Boxes”

Reflections on Pedagogy and Resilience

Doina Petrescu Constantin Petcou

Design pedagogy needs to adapt itself to address current societal and environmental challenges (such as global warming, depletion of natural resources, population growth, increased social and economic divides, etc.) and to forge new paradigms and processes to answer these imperatives of change. The Storm, the Strife, and Everyday Life: Sea Changes in the Suburbs addressed the provocative question of the end of mass production of the suburb “as we have known it” in the context of climate change and the urban resilience challenge, taking Long Island as a case study. The studio invited students to reflect on inclusive, resilient, and socially just futures for these suburbs. What pedagogical project was generated through this process? How did such a topic affect the nature of research and design processes? What methods were put forward and what aspects were selected in the students’ projects? Participation One can say that Long Island as a place with particular social, political, cultural, and environmental conditions is profoundly pedagogical. The studio was dominantly place-based, allowing students to visit, spend time, and engage with a large number of local communities from Long Island. Some students identified the challenges that these communities currently face and addressed them in their projects. Some went further in shaping their thesis projects to provide immediately useful solutions that have a direct impact on a specific community. The traditional “research subjects” sometimes became “collaborators” in the research process and sometimes “clients” who have been empowered and provided with design solutions to their problems. The studio developed a form of participatory action research by design: a commitment to participate with people to improve and understand their world by changing it. All this happened through a cyclical process, an iterative cycle of research, action, and reflection involving design

at all stages. The outcomes were very diverse in scale and nature (from strategies and frameworks to buildings, objects, and events), drawing on many forms of knowledge (or knowledges, as Donna Haraway puts it). These knowledges that resulted from negotiation with others represent the product of the participative spatial encounters generated by the studio, which crossed not only disciplinary but also social boundaries. Live Pedagogy The “live” aspect of the studio was very important indeed. Projects were contextualized and sometimes contingent upon real-life situations. Engaging in such situations helped students to develop collaborative and participatory skills that are essential to professional practice, as well as critical skills for research. They were involved in local “communities of practice” that embodied particular sets of values, behaviors, and skills that influenced their research and learning process. This is called “situated learning.” This approach also established an awareness of the social responsibility of architects and planners, empowering students to produce work of exceptional quality that makes a difference to the communities within which they worked. Such “live” pedagogy involved different modes of inquiry, from collecting data and conducting research collectively to developing briefs with stakeholders and potential “clients.” Learning was not only about how to develop an individual thesis project but also how to create and maintain collaborative formations that can be productive in a particular context, such as Long Island. Social Engagement The studio projects acted as touchstones for a socially engaged attitude to research and practice. Many students addressed the “social production of space” (Lefebvre) in their projects. The suburb is a particular place with layers of social, economic, and environmental injustice, but also enormous resources of popular creativity and innovation. Projects addressing varied critical issues (immigrant labor, climate change, social segregation, economic deprivation, etc.) revealed also the great potential for social and spatial innovation in this place and brought new ways of looking at the suburb as a laboratory of resilient futures. The Expanded Role of the Designer All of these aspects of the studio advocate for an expanded role for the architect, landscape architect, and urban planner. The studio experience offered the opportunity to embed creative partic-

ipation within a project, to initiate projects, to be activists, to be entrepreneurial, and to build capacity within a community. Resilience was not only a topic of the studio but also a way of addressing a topic, a site, a conditionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a way of practicing and positioning oneself. Students acted as critical thinkers, understanding wider contexts, questioning the role of the designer, and speculating on future models for practice: more open, more resilient, more democratic.

Title

Visiting Long Island

During the week of September 21, 2014, the studio traveled to Long Island, where we met with a number of nonprofit and community-based partners who were working on initiatives aimed at updating Long Islandâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s communities for todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s demographic and environmental realities. Our goal was to learn about these realities firsthand, but also to identify initiatives that we might be able to help advance. The following pages describe some of the stops on our field trip itinerary.

Field Trip Log

On Sunday, September 21, 2014, 11 students from the Harvard University Graduate School of Design and their professor, Dan D’Oca, stood in front of an anatine-shaped building in Flanders, New York, known as the “Big Duck.” “Wilson, Wilson—can you get a picture of this?” asked an architecture student named Andrew. He pointed to the underside of the duck. Wilson, a landscape architecture student from China, looked puzzled. “So we can see how it’s made,” Andrew clarified. “Every student should be inspired by this,” joked D’Oca. “It’s vernacular Long Island architecture.” The Big Duck appeared during their second stop on a weeklong tour of Long Island. The students were supposed to meet first with Sister Margaret Smyth, who runs the North Fork Hispanic Apostolate in Riverhead and is known throughout the island as a tireless advocate for immigrants. D’Oca’s class, a semester-long studio called The Storm, the Strife, and Everyday Life: Sea Changes in the Suburbs, aims to uncover the various ways that Long Island, America’s first suburb, is struggling to adapt to modern realities. The students—urban planners, urban designers, landscape architects, and architects—would meet with various community leaders, from town supervisors to activists from nonprofits,

Lisa Selin Davis

to learn about the challenges that Long Island is facing. Those issues include an increase in poverty, an aging population, and the housing and infrastructure that were in no way designed to handle these demographic changes. In addition, and closely linked, is the issue of immigration. Despite the fact that most immigrant families on Long Island bring in a minimum of $80,000 a year, and own almost a quarter of small businesses, many still work in low-wage jobs, from restaurants to construction. D’Oca’s interest in the future of Long Island started when his planning and architecture firm, Interboro Partners, won the US Department of Housing and Urban Development competition called Rebuild by Design, which aims to develop “implementable proposals that promote resilience in the Sandy-affected region,” according to their website. Interboro’s proposal was a “comprehensive regional resiliency plan for Nassau County’s South Shore.” But as D’Oca discovered while working on the project, resiliency would require attending to far more than just environmental issues. “Long Island was not designed for senior citizens and Central American refugees and young single people; it wasn’t designed for poor people, either,” said D’Oca. “The social services just don’t exist.” The goal of the class was to

As the neighborhood shifted—bigger houses, bigger lots—they saw streets with “no parking—residential area” signs. Clearly, those were harder places for large families, or several families in one home, to live. The informal tour illustrated one of the most important issues for immigrants: housing. Three-quarters of Long Island immigrants live in owner-occupied housing, and a third of those pay more than $10,000 a year in property taxes. As for renters, those who are foreign-born usually have 3.4 people in each home, as opposed to US-born residents, who have an average of 2.2. It was too early, though, for the students to come up with housing solutions. First, they’d need to complete their whirlwind tour. In the coming days, they’d visit Sean Walter, town supervisor of Riverhead; the Freeport Trailer; the Central American Refugee Center; ERASE Racism; and the Yes, We Can Community Center, among other sites. And, of course, they’d visit Sister Margaret. The next day, the students made it back to Riverhead to meet with her (she apologized for missing the meeting the day before). She outlined the challenges for immigrants on

middle class, and the young and single—from the evidence around them. One carload of three students and a reporter started down some nearby lanes, just off the main road, Route 24. They stumbled upon a neighborhood of tiny cottages. “One thing I’m noticing is just cars parked everywhere—every leftover space,” said a landscape architecture student named Courtney. “It’s not what we think of as suburban at all.” Some of the cottages were derelict, some tidily kept. Some had been added on to or torn down and completely rebuilt. Many had Hispanic families barbecuing out front, with Banda music playing.

Long Island: the Suffolk County police officer who was alleged to have racially profiled Hispanic drivers, pulled them over, and took their wallets or cash from their pockets; the lack of public transit connecting the north shore to the south, which would allow laborers to get to work without a car; language barriers; health care; a dearth of multifamily homes and apartments; and bosses who don’t pay their workers, assuming they’re undocumented and have no recourse. “It brings out the worst in me as a nun,” Sister Margaret said. “I want to go put up signs that say, ‘This man doesn’t pay his employees.’ ”

find ways to “make Long Island work better for more people.” At the end of the trip, each student would pick a project to work on—perhaps designing guest-worker housing or studying transportation options for day laborers. The class had 12 students: one from Japan, three from China, one from Mexico, one from Greece by way of Washington, D.C., and others from Mountain View, Miami, Austin, Philadelphia, Salt Lake City, and Fort Lauderdale. Few had been on Long Island before, and most had one overwhelming preconceived notion of it: The Great Gatsby (the movie, not the book). “I came once and saw the Hamptons and the Parrish Museum,” said an architecture student named Luo. They certainly didn’t know about the duck, which was tacked on as an emergency stop only because they had an unplanned couple of hours when they were supposed to be meeting with Sister Margaret, who had not arrived as planned. D’Oca directed them to drive around, familiarize themselves with the area, gather information about how and where people were living, and see if they could discern the needs of the immigrant population—plus the elderly, the

North Park North Long Beach, ParkNY Long Beach, NY

North North Park Park is is an an Environmental environmental Justice communitypredominantly predomijustice community nantly populated by a low-income composed of a low-income African-American African-American population. population. The The community community has has taken taken on on aa highly highly disproportionate disproportionate amount amount of of the the surrounding regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial surrounding regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial burden. burden. Most Most of of it it sits sits on on some some level level of brownfield site and has of brownfield site and has virtually virtually no no protection protection from from storm storm surge surge and and sea-level rise. What can the sea-level rise. What can the studio studio do do to to help help advocate advocate for for North North Park Park residents? residents?

Greater Uniondale Area Action Coalition Uniondale, NY Uniondale is a high-need community that seeks to stabilize and strengthen intra-community bonds after the crash of the housing market. One method the council is investigating is the creation of a community land trust that could purchase foreclosed properties and resell the homes at a lower cost. Does the studio have ideas for how a land trust could be used for this purpose?

Operation Splash Long Beach, NY Operation Splash, along with Friends of Long Island, looks after the bay, which is under severe threat of erosion and pollution from island runoff. The salt marshes in the bay, which act as a buffer against storm surge, are slowly eroding due to the weakened soil structure resulting from increasing levels of pollution. What can the studio do to help make Long Island more resilient?

Baldwin Civic Association Hempstead, NY Baldwin hopes to develop a more walkable downtown, where people can also bike comfortably. The downtown area now suffers from a lot of high-speed traffic, creating a noisy, dangerous pedestrian environment. Can the studio help us out with a vision?

CARECEN Hempstead, NY The Central American Refugee Center (CARECEN) is a nonprofit organization that works on behalf of immigrants from 35 to 40 countries across the world on issues including citizenship, reunification of families, representation for immigrant children who have traveled to the United States without their families, and political participation in the immigrant community. How can the studio help legitimize the status of immigrants on Long Island?

Vision Long Island Vision Long Hicksville, NY Island

ERASE Racism

Hicksville, NY

Syosset, NY Long Island is the most segregated suburban region in the country. A long history of racist policies and practices has caused a disparity in allocation of Sandy relief funds, discrimination in housing practices, and problems of environmental justice within African-American and migrant communities. Can the studio identify new models for integration?

The CoLoKi Freeport Freport Trailer Freeport, NY The The Trailer Trailer offers offers immigrant immigrant day day laborers laborers not not only only aa place place to to gather gather that butalso also that is is free free of of harassment, harassment but abreakfast, free breakfast, English classes, English classes, and limand legal protection ited limited legal protection against against wage wage The Trailer theft. theft. The Trailer offersoffers these these serservices of charge seeks vices freefree of charge andand seeks only only to legitimize the day-labor to legitimize the day-labor market as market as much as possible much as possible and shieldand workers shield against Does againstworks abuses. Does abuses. the studio have the studio have ideas for how the ideas for how the Trailer can be Trailer can be redesigned? redesigned?

Hicksville Hicksville has has aa strong strong Indian Indian community. Not community. Not only only have have Indian Indian immigrants immigrants brought brought their their local local foods to to Hicksville, Hicksville, they they also also have have foods changed changed they they city’s city’s nightlife. nightlife. Many Many Asian immigrants immigrants come come for for job job Asian opportunities, opportunities, especially especially ones ones related to to computers computers and and other other related technology. technology. Hicksville Hicksville lacks lacks aa walkable downtown. downtown. Can Can the the stustuwalkable dio dio provide provide aa vision vision for for aa walkable walkable Hicksville? Hicksville?

“Yes We Can” Community Center New Cassel, NY New New Cassel Cassel is is aa community community that that has has undergone a significant planning undergone a significant planning and and visioning visioning process process that that has has resulted in the construction resulted in the construction of of aa new new community community center center as as well well as as significant significant development development on on the the neighborhood’s neighborhood’s main main street. street. Unfortunately Unfortunately the the recession recession has has kept kept storefronts storefronts largely largely vacant, vacant, but but the the framework framework is is in in place. place. Does Does the the studio studio have have ideas ideas about about how how to to strengthen the main street? strengthen the main street?

WESTERN LONG ISLAND

Make the Road New York Brentwood, NY Make the Road New York fights for dignity and justice for Latino and working-class immigrant communities. Immigrants face many challenges on Long Island including harassment from citizens and employers, abuse by police, and restrictive policies that limit housing options. Does the studio have ideas about how to better integrate immigrants?

Teatro Yerbabruja Central Islip, NY Named for a plant that thrives in difficult circumstances, the Teatro Yerbabruja is intended to serve not only as a theater and art studio but as a community center for all of greater Central Islip. Teatro Yerbabruja is moving into a new space. Can the studio help to design it?

Village of Patchogue Patchogue, NY Under strong local leadership from the mayor, Patchogue has been able to carry out significant revitalization efforts including affordable artist residences, low-income housing, and a major village center development. They continue to push forward with plans to develop a live/work tech development and new urban parks throughout the village. Can the studio help design some of these parks?

Greater Bellport Coalition/Sustainable Long Island Bellport, NY Sustainable Long Island is working with the Greater Bellport Coalition to develop a long-term vision for development in Bellport, a historically high-need yet underserved community. They seek to create a safer community, improve public transit, attract businesses, and foster a greater sense of community pride. Can the studio offer a vision for a better Bellport?

CENTRAL LONG ISLAND

Sister Margaret Smyth Riverhead, NY

EPCAL Riverhead, NY The Enterprise Park at Calverton (EPCAL) is a 2,900-acre decommissioned military base. The town purchased it and envisions it as a future economic generator. There have been several proposals on how to develop the land, but nothing has been decided. Can the studio help?

For two decades Sister Margaret has worked to provide services such as health and child care as well as English language instruction for immigrants. She believes that one of the biggest challenges on the island is the provision of adequate affordable housing, which would take a radical reimagining to secure.

Town of Riverhead Riverhead, NY Riverhead is the largest community in the greater township and has seen a lot of investment in the last decade or so but still finds itself with an 80 percent vacancy rate on Main Street. The town is also in need of more workforce housing. Additionally, as it is situated at the mouth of the Peconic River, the town is vulnerable to sea-level rise. Can the studio address these issues?

Renaissance Downtowns Riverside, NY Renaissance Downtowns seeks to provide walkable, transit-oriented development within Long Island’s cities. It uses a proprietary process called Crowdsourced Placemaking that enables it to seek the input of local residents to determine the program and character of their projects. Renaissance Downtowns would love to hear the studio’s ideas for how to make Riverside a better place.

EASTERN LONG ISLAND

Research: Suburban Sea Changes

No longer the exclusive province of well-off, white, car-driving nuclear families, Long Island’s suburbs are increasingly diverse, increasingly poor, and increasingly wet. A quick survey of Long Island reveals older adults who are stranded in their single-family homes, recent college graduates struggling to find affordable apartments, undocumented immigrants experiencing abuse from their employers, and black families steered into isolated neighborhoods with failing schools. Making matters worse, Long Island is facing new degrees of ecological vulnerability in the coming decades. And, similar to the rest of the world, climate change will disproportionately impact the region’s low-income communities of color. How can we as urban designers, urban planners, and architects begin to address these issues? For the research phase of our studio, students examined the challenges facing Long Island today in conjunction with other problems that have long plagued the region, such as racial segregation, political fragmentation, and a relative dearth of public transportation options. This research is organized into six sections: Immigration, Black Flight, Poverty, Aging, Brain Drain, and Sea-Level Rise. Students worked in pairs to explore how these “suburban sea changes” are transforming everyday life on Long Island, with particular interest in how these realities have altered the basic building blocks of suburbia.

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “The way things work on Long Island they don’t.”

u Ra s— ina Nancy Douz

Fo un dat ion

Immigration

Since the 1990s, new waves of immigration have dramatically altered the residential makeup of Long Island. The influx has posed challenges to Long Island’s housing stock and zoning codes, which were built and implemented to suit the desires of a more homogeneous population in an earlier era. Unsurprisingly, the demographic shift has not come without tension: Long Island schools, for example, are notorious for denying entrance to immigrant children whose parents lack certain documents of residency or guardianship. Also, in 2007 the Suffolk County Legislature nearly criminalized the act of waiting alongside roads as a means of seeking employment, explicitly targeting immigrant day laborers. Despite allegations that immigrant communities fail to “pull their own weight,” a 2010 Hofstra University report described their economic impact as being generally positive, with immigrant entrepreneurs bringing “vitality to commercial strips” and accounting for tens of 1 billions of dollars in GDP growth. Nationwide, immigrants are increasingly moving into suburban areas. Long Island is the destination for a huge number of immigrants; one in three Long Islanders is an immigrant. Each year the number of immigrants arriving from all over the globe increases; one in five Long Islanders is foreign born.

Yuxiang Luo Paloma Garcia Simon

Long Island immigrants have settled all over the island, though they tend to concentrate within certain townships. The largest immigrant clusters are located in Hempstead, Freeport, Elmont, and Brentwood. These people contribute significantly to their communities. With nearly 50 percent of them of prime working age (18–44), compared to less than one-third of the non-immigrant population, immigrants are helping to fill jobs. 51 percent hold white-collar jobs.1 Their labor, taxes, and spending power wields a tremendous economic impact on the island, with immigrants contributing one-fifth of the economic output.2

1. David Dyssegaard Kallick, “Immigration’s Impacts on the Long Island Economy,” Regional Labor Review. Vol. 13, no. 1 (Fall 2010). 2. Hagedorn Foundation, “Strengthening Long Island: The Economic Contributions of Immigrants to Nassau and Suffolk,” 2008.

2010 Population

15.9% Hispanic 08.7% Black 69.9% White

Racial breakdown of Long Island, 2010.

05.5% Asian

Change Over 2000

White (1,946,037)

7.5%

Hispanic (441,594)

56.2%

Black (243,422)

9.1%

Asian (151,853)

56.4%

Total (2,782,906)

2.8%

LONG ISLAND SHIFT

Guatemala Mexico

Jamaica

El Salvador

13%

Haiti Honduras

Colombia

Dominican Republic

Ecuador

Trinidad & Tobago

3% .

Peru

Top: Growth of non-white population in the suburbs.

Bottom: Top countries of birth for immigrants on Long Island, 2005-2007.

33 China

Iran

Germany

Poland

Pakistan

Italy

South Korea

3% India

Other

29%

Top: Change in population by race and ethnicity on Long Island, 2008-2011. Once immingrants arrive, they face a variety of unexpected challenges and problems.

7% Philippines

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND

ne ss ey —C

oLoK i, Inc.

“Who do you think helped Long Island recover from Sandy? It was our day laborers. Long Island would be a lot worse off without them.”

a ’Sh Liz O

Change in population by race and ethnicity on Long Island, 2008-2011. Once immingrants arrive, they face a variety of unexpected challenges and problems.

Ecuador

Philippines

South Korea

Honduras

Colombia

India

Poland

Guatemala

Dominican Republic

Pakistan

Italy

El Salvador

Haiti

Iran

Germany

Peru

Jamaica

China

1 dot = 50 individuals

50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Professionals

Technicians

Bottom: Percent of immigrant share of workforce.

Health Professionals

Construction

Food Preparation

Sales Clerks and Cashiers

Mexico

Challenges Faced by Long Islandâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Immigrants

Policies restrict immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; living conditions and locations. Many Long Island communities have adopted policies that make it difficult for immigrants to find affordable housing on the island. These policies include prohibition of multiple dwellers in a single room or multiple families in a single unit.

117

Immigrants suffer from hate crimes which are prevalent on Long Island. The number exceeds the US average. These crimes run the gamut from vandalism of immigrant property to robbery, harassment, and even homicide.

1.8 Nassau Nassau

Suffolk US USAvg. Ave. Suffolk

Immigration

Limited public transit complicates job Access. Public transit on Long Island is primarily designed to carry people to and from New York City. With many immigrants employed on the island and living in households with no access to a car, access to employment can be very problematic.

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “It’s not some sort of a lifelong dream to come here. It tends to be pursuant to some kind of emergency. They’re often leaving behind most of their family members.”

High-income schools

CE 20% N

High-income schools

White

Middle-income schools

Latino Asian 37

Low-income schools 0%

40%

Black

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

White Black

26K$ 26K$

High-income schools High-income schools

Latino Asian

18K$ 18K$

25.48 25.48

0.52 0.52

Low-income schools Low-income schools

Paloma Garcia Simon, Yuxiang Luo

R CA g—

Low-income schools

Pat Youn

Middle-income schools

13.14 13.14 4.86 4.86

for limited English proficiency for limited English proficiency for other purposes for other purposes

Top: Total student population. Immigrant education is underresourced so immigrant students often attend primarily low-income schools.

Bottom: School spending per pupil. Immigrant schools have lower budgets and higher costs due to the need for English learning programs. In addition to the originally small amount of budget per student, schools in low-income areas tend to pay more for English learning for immigrants. It makes the budget available for other educational activities tighter.

Black Flight

Allison Green Marcus Pulsipher

Long Island, like so many other iconic areas of the United States, has a rich and storied past that has led to a unique regional identity and character. The mere mention of its name conjures scenes of bustling boardwalks next to white sand beaches, vast oceanside country estates along the Gold Coast, and expansive suburban neighborhoods filled with neatly clipped hedges and manicured lawns. For many, Long Island epitomizes the American dream. However, whatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s less known is that the island has an equally rich and complicated history when it comes to issues of race and class. This history has made present-day Long Island one of the most segregated metropolitan areas in the United States. Over the years, inherently racist policies and practices have been adopted that push minority groups into isolated communities while funneling money and resources elsewhere. The result is a fragmented and ultimately weakened Long Island.

1 dot = 100 people Black Latino Asian White Other

Racial distribution on Long Island.

Current Conditions At first glance, the racial diversity of Long Island appears to align closely with that of

100% Black

75% Black 90% Black Don’t Know

25% Black 50% Black

on Long Island, an astonishing 69.2 percent of individuals would need to move to a new neighborhood. That percentage makes Long Island the tenth most segregated area in the country. For Latinos on Long Island, the situation is somewhat better, with a percentage of 48.5 percent. However, while black/white segregation is slowly declining, dropping eight points in 40 years, Latino segregation is increasing, rising 12 points in the same period. How History Got Us Here The institutional practices promoting segregation on Long Island aren’t anything new. They have grown out of a long history of discriminative policies endemic to the housing industry at both local and national levels. This discrimination permeated the entire system from the private sector (real estate agents, home builders, and mortgage lenders) to local, state, and federal governments. Within the private sector, racism was not only present—it was codified. In 1922 the Real Estate Practice textbook, used to train new agents, stated “the purchase of property by 25%

50%

75%

100%

Low crime rate Well maintained properties High quality public schools Good local services People know each other and get along Living close to family or friends

the rest of the United States. What sets Long Island apart, however, is the distribution of racial groups. The typical white resident on Long Island lives in a neighborhood that is 75 percent white. Given the large number of white residents on the island, this number isn’t too surprising. What is surprising is how few white people live near a minority resident. One method used to measure the degree of segregation of an area is to determine how many people within a given racial group would need to move to create an even distribution of races. In the case of white and black residents

The myth of self-segregation visualized. Left: Black residents’ preferred racial mix. Right: Ideal neighborhood charachteristics.

certain racial types is very likely to diminish the value of other property.” As late as 1950, the real estate code of ethics stated, “the realtor should not be instrumental in introducing into a neighborhood a character of property or occupancy, members of any race or nationality or any individual whose presence will clearly be detrimental to property value in the neighborhood.”2 Home builders contributed to segregation by funneling their resources into building all-white subdivisions while building limited amounts of housing in minorityoccupied areas. Mortgage lenders often refused

Black Flight

The Myth of Self-Segregation In any discussion of racial segregation, it is inevitably proposed that racial minorities prefer to live close to each other, and that the phenomenon of segregation is naturally occurring rather than a result of any systematic or structural racial steering. A recent study took this question on, reaching out to a large number of black residents on Long Island. In addition to finding that black residents clearly prefer to live in racially mixed neighborhoods, it found that living close to friends and family is one of their lowest priorities. Additionally the study found that segregation occurs regardless of income; in fact, most affluent black and Hispanic families on Long Island live in poorer neighborhoods than low-income white families. Finally, the study revealed that many black residents have personally experienced discriminatory housing practices themselves or within their immediate families.1

the HOLC had made it clear that mortgages should be made available only to non-mixed development. This allowed Abraham Levitt to justify his vision of an expansive, all-white 41

Allison Green, Marcus Pulsipher

to finance builders who proposed to build in mixed neighborhoods, claiming that integrated housing wasn’t a viable investment. State and local governments were also involved, first through the adoption of exclusionary zoning, wherein they required a block-by-block determination of racial makeup. After exclusionary zoning was declared unconstitutional in 1917, restrictive covenants began to be adopted. These covenants, attached to property deeds, dictated that the properties could never be sold to people of certain races, ethnicities, or religions. These private agreements were upheld by the state through the courts until they were declared unconstitutional in 1948. The federal government fostered discrimination in the housing industry through the process of “red-lining.” This practice grew out of the formation of the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC), which assigned value to the housing stock in urban centers. The intent of the practice was to promote mortgage lending to working- and middleclass Americans by helping to identify where within cities it would be safe to invest. In

1950 White:

2010 100%

White: Latino: Asian: Black: Other:

89% 5% 3% 1% 1%

theory the HOLC was supposed to assign value based on the structural integrity of the houses and infrastructure; in practice, however, socioeconomic characteristics usually were determining factors, with the vast majority of minority-occupied neighborhoods receiving the lowest grade (red). Even in areas where construction was relatively new and of high quality, if populated by minorities, the neighborhood invariably received a low grade. All of these practices and policies informed the development of Long Island. Perhaps the best example is that of Levittown. By the time Levittown was under construction,

community. Prior to completion, real estate agents were made aware that applications were not to be accepted from black families, not even war veterans. Additionally, all Levittown contracts contained restrictive covenants dictating that all residents must be of the Caucasian race. These practices resulted in an 82,000-resident, all-white community, the largest in the country. 3 Seventy years later, the racial makeup of Levittown has barely changed. Latinos and Asians have made some inroads into the community, but blacks are still largely excluded.

Top: HOLC housing valuation map of Brooklyn.

Bottom: Racial make-up of Levittown.

black families out of over 1,100 families in the entire village. In 2011 the Town of Huntington approved an affordable housing project filled exclusively with one-bedroom apartments, eliminating the possibility of low-income families moving into the area. The NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) sued and negotiations are underway to include more two- and three-bedroom units. Recently the Long Island-based advocacy group ERASE Racism exposed racial steering practices by a landlord in Port Washington by sending three white and three black applicants to look at available housing units. While all three white applicants were offered the apartments, all three black applicants were told that the same units had wait-lists or that they were no longer available. Additionally, the black applicants were quoted higher rents than the white applicants.

Black Flight

Institutional Racism Today Though blatantly racist practices such as exclusionary zoning and restrictive covenants have been deemed unconstitutional, examples of institutional racism are still relatively easy to find on Long Island. One recent example can be found in Garden City, where citizens resisted the construction of a proposed affordable multifamily apartment complex. The city complied with the publicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s wishes and zoned the property for single-family use. A lawsuit was filed to prevent the passing of the zoning measure, which the city lost. The apartment complex will now be able to move forward. In another example of contemporary discriminatory practices, the Village of Island Park defrauded HUD by not fairly administering the Section 235 Housing Program, by purposely excluding black and Latino families from housing. They did so by filling available housing with white residents before advertising the units to minority groups. In 2013, in Island Park there were only three

1970

1990

1980

2000

Continuous segregation. Though the black percentage of the population of Long Island has had continuous growth since 1970, almost all of that growth has occurred within existing black communities. Rather than dispersing this growth and helping to diversify white neighborhoods, institutional policies and practices have served to reinforce existing racial boundaries.

2010

Allison Green, Marcus Pulsipher

The Shape of Majority-Black Neighborhoods in Nassau and Suffolk Counties An examination of census data shows that neighborhoods originally populated by blacks in the 1960s have retained their majorityblack status. Long Island’s first majority-black populations formed on the South Shore of Nassau County in towns such as Hempstead, Baldwin, and Freeport. In Suffolk County, weaker concentrations of blacks settled in areas near Lindenhurst, West Babylon, Bay Shore, and Central Islip. Today the majority of the black population on Long Island remains isolated in these original majority-black neighborhoods. The geographical isolation of blacks in these neighborhoods has facilitated an unequal distribution of access to social resources and public services, leading to stark contrast between life in majority black neighborhoods and elsewhere in Long Island, where most neighborhoods are majority-white. Data provided by the US Census and the City of Long Island show that the quality of life and opportunities for social mobility in Long Island’s black neighborhoods are significantly less than in mixed or majority-white neighborhoods.

Segregation in OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND Education “Long Island was built on Segregation Racism.” on Long Island affects the lives of all citizens, but perhaps the most affected are the children who live in these segregated communities and find themselves in schools that are understaffed and lack necessary resources. By and large, Long Island schools are doing quite well. Only 14 percent of ER AS students attend low-income schools. ER acis However, of those students that do attend m low-income schools, 76 percent are either black or Latino. Very few white students attend high-need schools. In fact, very few white students attend any schools with high levels of diversity. Half of all black and Latino students attend schools that are made up of at least 95 percent minorities. By way of example, one can compare the demographics of Garden City and Hempstead High Schools, which are located only 2.5 miles away from each other yet have completely inverted racial representation. School spending within poor districts is also significantly lower than in high-income districts. One of the wealthiest districts is able to spend $8,000 (31 percent) more per student than one of the poorer districts. Wealthier districts have lower teacher-student ratios (13:1 versus 15:1) and their teachers are better educated (97 percent have masters degrees in wealthy districts versus 82 percent in poorer). The wealthiest districts have twice as many computers as well as newer textbooks, better facilities, and more specialized classes such as art, music, and Advanced Placement courses. Poorer districts invariably have higher levels of need in terms of ESL and special education programs, which take money away from the already small amount of funding available, leaving even less money for instruction and essential educational tools. Some argue that integrating segregated schools would only hurt the high-performing students, though statistics prove otherwise. Not only are low-income students attending affluent schools 22 times more likely to perform well (often almost two grade levels better) than those in low-income schools, but the high-income students tend to do better too. One study in Rockville Centre, where classes were mixed regardless of background, demonstrated that black and Latino students — an De ille Kam

How Racism Works in Long Island’s Housing Scheme Years after the federal outlawing of segregation, Long Island’s racial distribution still looks much as it did at the height of the segregation era. The black population remains densely clustered in neighborhoods such as Hempstead and Central Islip, and the sharp lines between historically black and white neighborhoods also delineate the distribution of private wealth and public funds. These divisions between black and white, wealthy and poor are evidence of structural racism, defined as the policies and practices built into a society that disproportionately benefit one race or ethnic group over another by controlling access to social and economic opportunities. The overall effect of structural racism bears consequences for every Long Island citizen, including the white population privileged by the exclusionary policies and laws set forth on the island. Contributing to racial inequity made possible by segregation is the highly fragmented governance structure of both Nassau and Suffolk Counties.

more than doubled their graduation rates while white and Asian student graduation rates increased by 14 percent.

Black Flight

1. ERASE Racism, “Housing and Neighborhood Preferences of African Americans on Long Island,” 2012. 2. US Commision on Civil Rights, “Understanding Fair Housing,” February 1973. 3. Margaret Lundrigan Ferrer, Levittown: The First 50 Years (Dover, NH: Arcadia Publishing, 1997).

Everybody Hurts: How Inequality Makes Long Island Weaker The fact that most neighborhoods in Long Island maintain their own governance structures means that each neighborhood has its own school district and its own model for providing public services. Nassau and Suffolk Counties have a combined total of more than 400 local government bodies including more than 90 subcounty governments, 200 special districts, and 100 independent school districts. So many independent municipal and town governments claiming local rule over policy and budgets means a greater likelihood of municipalities straining their tax bases and raising tax rates on citizens in an effort to finance public services such as public school education, public safety, and

Garden City High School

2.5 MILES

White: 96%

Asian: 3% Black: 0.5% Latino: 0.5%

Hempstead High School

White: 0.5% Asian: 0.5% Black: 65%

50 40 30 20 10 0

Low income schools

Top, left: Map showing distance between Garden City High School (top) and Hemstead High School (below). Right, Percentage race population broken down by school.

Middleincome schools

Latino: 34%

High income schools

Bottom: Percentage of college readiness.

Allison Green, Marcus Pulsipher

2001 INCREASE

1995

BLACK and LATINO STUDENTS

WHITE and ASIAN STUDENTS

High Income Schools Middle Income Schools Low Income Schools

Top: Rockville Centre graduate rates.

Bottom: Racial distribution in schools by income.

Poverty

Rebekah Armstrong Rob Wellburn

The landscape of poverty in America is being dramatically recast. The deeply rooted concept of poverty confined solely to the inner cities or to remote rural areas no longer holds true. Instead, beneath the veneer of Lewis Mumford’s “uniform, unidentifiable houses, inhabited by the people of the same class, the same income, the same age group,” America’s suburbs are transforming: they are becoming increasingly diverse, increasingly plural, and increasingly poor.1 In 2010, one in three poor Americans lived in the suburbs, though the geography of this is not even. Suburban decline has been particularly prevalent in the postwar suburbs, and Long Island, America’s first suburb, has been central to this transformation. Alongside this changing geography, the nature of poverty is also being altered: the decentralized uniformity of suburban housing raises the cost and reduces the availability of housing, while isolating residents from basic amenities that are readily available in city centers, including access to transportation, social services, employment, and community networks.

28.8% Brentwood

31.9%

34.3% 43.8% Hempstead

Percentage of Long Island families making $45,000 or less.

Flanders

43.0% Riverhead

Mastic Beach

The true “costs” of suburban poverty do not adhere to a traditional model. While the federal government sets an annual income threshold for what determines poverty—the Federal Poverty Level—given the high costs of living on Long Island, researchers have argued that a more realistic measure is closer to 200 percent of this value, or $46,100. Even this figure may be too low; the Suffolk County Legislature Welfare to Work Commission argued that a family of four

requires $75,000 a year to afford essentials, such as food, housing, transportation, and health care. Nor is low income the sole cause or determinate of poverty. Changing the income level alone “is only a change in measurement and not a change in the underlying reality. Regardless of the numbers, people’s everyday reality is the same.”2 This chapter considers the broader spectrum of factors, from housing to social services, which collectively affect an individual or family in poverty.

Poverty

Who Counts As Poor?

Household income. Top: Federal poverty level. Middle: $45,000 (200% FPL) or less. Bottom: $75,000 or less.

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “Long Island is still Levittown to some people, but it is becoming more and more diverse.”

a in ta us l—S Amy Enge

This chapter follows three typical families on Long Island. Although fictional, they are representative of the real challenges that families in poverty face and are based on both actual experiences and statistical evidence. Forty-two percent of Long Island families who live in poverty are headed by women. Yet poverty on Long Island is not limited to a single demographic or group, and the three families profiled in this chapter demonstrate some of the diversity of backgrounds, occupations, and locations of the island’s poorest residents.

bl eL on g Is land

THE SCOTTS

MARCELO

Baldwin

Freeport

Bay Shore

Judy has lived on Long Island her whole life. She was born in Patchogue, but she and her daughter Cara currently reside in Baldwin to be close to Judy’s job in the service industry. Cara attends her local high school.

Marcelo moved to Freeport three years ago. He works as a day laborer and is single, but lives with his extended family, some of whom had immigrated to the area before him.

Kay used to work in the financial sector, but she was laid off in 2009 and has been unable to find work in her field for the last five years. She works part-time as an administrative assistant. David is a warehouse supervisor. They have a middleschool-age son and a toddler.

Rebekah Armstrong, Rob Wellburn

JUDY + CARA

SUFFOLK

NASSAU

HISPANIC POPULATION

39%

13.7%

Freeport

Nassau

Housing

2014 HOMES IN FORECLOSURE

6.3% Long Island

2.1% United States

THE SCOTTS

Foreclosure After losing my job in 2009, I’ve been unable to find full-time work. I couldn’t make the payments with part-time wages. Last year, the bank foreclosed on our home. We are renting a much smaller one while I keep on looking.

Many Families, One House I can’t afford to live by myself one-bedrooms rent for $1,300 or more. But I make too much to get help with my rent. I live with two other families in a house in Freeport, but it’s crowded. And I’m not sure it’s legal.

JUDY + CARA

Basement Rental I tried to apply for housing help, but they are not accepting any applications. No one could even tell me when I could put my name on the list. I found a place to rent, but it’s in the basement and not very nice. Cara has allergies and I think they’re worse now. We liked our last rental better, but it got flooded in Sandy.

Built on the premise of single-family homeownership, and taking advantage of new building techniques and generous government subsidies, Long Island quickly became developed by uniform, low-density housing, designed for an equally uniform population. Once heralded as the realization of “the American dream,” the detached single-family housing stock is increasingly mismatched to the needs and lifestyles of the island’s current residents. With a growing population and one of the lowest housing construction rates in the region— building less than half as much new housing as its neighbors over the past decade—there is a substantial deficit of affordable housing. An estimated 4 in 10 households pay more than 35 percent of their income on housing, limiting their ability to pay for other basic services such as transportation, health care, food, and clothing. (The federal poverty measure budgets onethird of a family's income for housing.) Long Island’s above-average housing taxes adds to this challenge, a fact highlighted in during the 2008 financial crisis, which resulted Nassau and Suffolk Counties experiencing some of the highest foreclosure rates in the state.

Poverty

MARCELO

20 Miles

0 - 25 26 - 50 Foreclosures in 2011 by Zip Code (raw count) Data from Newsday, based on US Census and RealtyTrac

51 - 150 151 - 250

88%

Less20 than $20,000 Miles

80%

$20,000 to $34,999 63%

$35,000 to $49,999 50%

$50,000 to $74,999

0 - 25

34%

$75,000 to $99,999

26 - 50

$100,000 or more

151 - 250

Foreclosures in 2011 by Zip Code (raw count) 38% Data from Newsday, based on US Census and RealtyTrac 2010

Avg. household income

11%

2000

51 - 150

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

Rebekah Armstrong, Rob Wellburn

251 - 400

2010

2000

Top: Census block groups with more than 80 percent detached single-family housing.

Middle: Number of foreclosed homes by zip code, 2011.

Bottom: Percentage of Long Island families who spend more than 35 percent of their income on housing.

High

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WALK

Only 21 percent of Long Island’s population lives within a half-mile of downtown centers, meaning that many of the island’s residents do not have proximate access to jobs, shopping, and other services. For the very poor, this isolation poses real challenges. Car ownership can help to overcome the barriers of distance, but it comes with a high cost burden: gas and maintenance are expensive, and poorer individuals are more likely to face additional costs through high insurance premiums set

JUDY + CARA

Baldwin Working in a hotel, my schedule varies from week to week. Sometimes I have to work late nights or weekends. There isn’t always a bus when I need one. Fortunately, I can walk to work now that’s part of the reason we moved. But when I have to run errands, there isn’t much close by. I’d love to have a car, but I just can’t pay the insurance. Left: Travel times in Central Islip.

WALK

by insurers illegally using income as a proxy— sometimes up to 40 percent more than for higher-income adults.3 The poor are also far less likely to have access to their own vehicle: one in five renters does not own a car. Many of the island’s undocumented immigrants are also prevented from driving—even when they might otherwise be able to afford it—because they cannot be issued a driver’s license. This creates reliance on other modes, such as public transport, walking, or depending on lifts from a relative, friend, or neighbor—all of which are much more time-consuming and restrict an individual’s flexibility. This is particularly important, as limited public transit hours—last daily trains at 8 p.m., and no service on Sundays—may prevent a low-income individual from taking a job opportunity that requires flexible hours, such as in the service sector. In stark contrast to urban areas, Long Island’s poorest residents have access to a limited array of social and supportive services, such as family and financial services, community and outreach programs, employment training, or the provision of food and shelter. In turn, particularly for on-site services, this lack of

Right: Travel times in Brooklyn.

Poverty

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availability is often likely to be compounded by reduced private or public physical accessibility. This results, in part, from the fragmented jurisdictional boundaries of Long Island, with different municipalities failing to coordinate to effectively ensure provision across the social services. It is also, however, a natural product of an entrenched urban bias in service provision that is unlikely to be eroded in the near future, given the financial resources required to relocate

JUDY + CARA

Baldwin

1. Lewis Mumford, The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961). 2. Elizabeth Lower-Basch, “New Supplemental Poverty Measure Doesn’t Change Reality,” Huffington Post, November 8, 2011. 3. Regional Plan Association, Long Island’s Rental Housing Crisis, September 2013, pp. 4, 9.

Rebekah Armstrong, Rob Wellburn

I feel like there’s pretty good access to health care, and my parish is nearby. I can walk there in about 15 minutes. But sometimes I’d like to be able to get to things more easily. It’s hard to find second-hand shops, and there isn’t much choice of places to go.

services to the suburbs and the challenges of delivering them to a large and fragmented catchment area. Even for services that are not geographically situated, such as subsidized housing or food stamps, access for Long Islanders can still be restricted. Typically, such services are available to only the very poorest citizens—those who earn less than the Federal Poverty Level (FPL). Given the high cost of living in Long Island, even those who earn between 100 percent and 200 percent of the FPL—some 468,000 people—may still be just “scraping by” but are ineligible for assistance.

Children & family services Community services

2 Miles

Health services

0.5

Parish outreach program 2 Miles 1

0.5

CDC

Children & family services Community services Children & family servicesHealth services

2 Miles 1

0.5

LONG ISLAND

Children & family services Community services Health services

Community services

Parish outreach program

Health services

CDC

Parish outreach program Homeless shelter

CDC BROOKLYN

Food pantry

Homeless shelter

Hospital

Children & family services

Parish outreach program

Food pantry

Salvation Army

Community services

CDC

Hospital

Financial counseling

Health services

Homeless shelter

Salvation Army

Parish outreach program

Food pantry

Financial counseling

CDC

Hospital

Homeless shelter

Salvation Army

Food pantry

Financial counseling

Hospital Salvation Army Financial counseling

Closest 10 hits from Google Map searches for each service, 2014.

Aging

Tomatsu Ito Rui Qian

For a few decades now, a majority of older adults living in the New York metropolitan region have called the suburbs home. Long Island is emblematic of this aging suburban landscape: by 2024, nearly one-third of its population will be at least 60 years old (currently 22 percent), while the number of children and young adults is projected to decrease by 60,000. These conditions pose novel challenges for planners and architects. Given that many seniors are preferring to age in place, how do we retrofit a built environment decidedly produced for the able-bodied nuclear family? How can design and policy facilitate healthy, active lifestyles among older residents in low-density, car-dependent neighborhoods? We can start by identifying the everyday challenges that restrict the mobility and quality of life of aging residents. These include small texts on road signs and dimly lit streets, single-family homes that may be difficult to maintain, weak public transportation networks, and a dearth of big hospitals. To be sure, tearing down these barriers would benefit not only the elderly but all Long Islanders of any age.

55 Long Island’s share of population by age group, 2000–2011.

to 64 did no physical activity in their leisure time. This percentage was 38 percent for 65to 74-year-olds and jumped to 55 percent for people 75 and older. Over two-thirds of adults ages 65 and older reported no vigorous leisuretime physical activity lasting more than 10 minutes in the week.

Aging in the Suburbs In 2011, the oldest baby boomers—Americans born between 1946 and 1964—will start to turn 65. Today 40 million people in the United States are 65 or older, but this number is projected to more than double to 89 million Limited Access to Transit Leads to Low by 2050. Rapid changes in age structure Activity, Resulting in Obesity can have profound social and economic Among the “young old” (ages 65 to 74), the consequences. US population aging has been share of men who were obese increased from long predicted. However, it is not only the 33 percent to 40 percent between 1999 and number and share of elderly that are important 2008, while the share of women who were for policy and program decisions, but also their obese declined from 39 percent to 35 percent. characteristics: health and disability status, However, obesity increased among both men living arrangements, kinship networks, and and women ages 75 and over across this same economic well-being. This chapter examines time period. In 2008, just over one-fourth of the current and future U.S. population ages adults in this age group were obese. Physical 65 and older and considers the costs and F IGURE 6 inactivity among older adults increases with implications of America’s aging population Obesity Among Persons Ages of 65 Long and Older by Sex age, most dramatically among people ages 75 through the situation Island asand a Group, 1988 to 2008 and older. In 2009, 33 percent of adults ages 45 Ageresearch example. 40

Figure 3: Total Number of Trips by Seniors on Public Transit 2001-2009

19 13

1,200,000,000

1,001,000,000

1,000,000,000 800,000,000

1988-1994

661,760,000

1999-2000

2007-2008

Years

600,000,000 Men 65-74

Women 65-74

Figure 2: The Geographic Distribution Women 75+ of Americans Age 65 and Older 20

400,000,000

Men 75+

Note: Data are based on measured height and weight. Height was measured without shoes. Obese is defined by having a body mass index (BMI) of 30 kilograms/meter or greater. Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey.

200,000,00 0

Senior Trips by Transit (2001)

Senior Trips by Transit (2009)

RURAL 23% SUBURBAN 56% CENTRAL CITY 21%

Above: Trips by seniors on public transit 2001–2009.

Top: Obesity rates among persons ages 65+ by sex and age, 1988–2008. Bottom: Percentage population of seniors.

Aging

Seniors Still Need to Rely on Public Transportation Research by AARP has revealed that seniors are increasingly taking more of their trips on public transportation. In 2009, seniors accounted for 9.6 percent of the more than 10.3 billion trips taken on public transportation in the United States. This figure will likely increase as the senior population grows to more than 71 million by 2030. Data from the National Household Travel Survey, presented in the chart above, shows that seniors made 328 million additional trips by transit in 2009 compared to 2001.

1970

2012 OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND

57 Bellport Resid

In 2005, most Medicare beneﬁciaries 65+ lived in traditional housing. % of Medicare enrollees by age group residing in selected residential settings, 2005 Age 65+ 93 Traditional

housing

Community housing w/ services Long-term care facility

65-74 75-84 85+ 65+ 65-74 75-84 85+

76%

2 1

65+ 65-74 75-84 85+

t en

Tomatsu Ito, Rui Qian

“Don’t forget that Long Island’s population is aging: we need more housing and transit options too.”

5 1

17 20

Top: Population aged 65+. Map comparison shows that Long Island is aging.

60 Percentage

100

Bottom: Where Medicare beneficiaries live; evidence that seniors prefer aging in place.

A Day in the Life of Mary

Making Tea Kitchen

Bedroom

Design suggestion: Alter the house A house organized on one level would offer greater convenience for the seniors. Transforming the existing rooms on the ground floors, with possible extensions, would make the house age-friendly.

Aging

Challenge: Going from bedroom to kitchen Mary, an elderly woman living on her own, needs to get up to make some tea but the house is divided into two floors, and as most private facilities such as bedrooms and bathrooms are located on the upper level, access to the kitchen and other living areas is made difficult.

Design suggestion: Rent out the upper level If a senior can live sufficiently on the ground level, the upper level might be suitable to lease to other tenants, creating additional income and possible social connections for the senior.

Challenge: Door knobs In general, door knobs are not considered age-friendly due to the requirement for rotating wrists.

Design suggestion: Door handles A better option for a house for seniors would be door handles instead of knobs.

Challenge: Boil water To fill the kettle with water and then transfer it onto the stove requires quite an effort.

Design suggestion: Faucet over the stove A better option for a house for seniors would be to have a faucet over the stove.

Challenge: Existing healthcare facilities Health centers are concentrated around transportation centers, relatively far from housing areas.

Design suggestion: Addition by integration Establish smaller clinics that offer specific services. They can be numerous and blend in with other programs.

Challenge: The big hospital Big hospitals are few in a suburban environment, thus not reachable by all members of the community.

Design suggestion: Decentralized healthcare Decentralized health stations can use existing buildings around the neighborhood.

Tomatsu Ito, Rui Qian

Getting to a Doctorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Appointment

Challenge: Malls Malls are concentrated around transportation hubs and existing centers.

Design suggestion: Expanded shopping areas Shopping can also take place on street sides, in parking lots, and in backyards!

Shoppers arrive by car to buy goods and services from big chain stores.

Provide structures to shelter individual vendors or local associations of farmers as an alternative shopping experience.

Aging

Shopping

Going out at Night Design suggestion: Provide a safer environment Improve safety for seniors by providing ramps, even surfaces, enhanced street lighting, and more easily legible signage in the outdoor environment.

Tomatsu Ito, Rui Qian

Challenge: Danger Steps, uneven road surfaces, dim lighting, and small lettering on signage all make it difficult and dangerous for seniors to navigate sidewalks and streets, especially at nighttime.

TE X TE T TE X X TE T TE T TEX X X TE T TE T TEXT TEX XT XT T T TE TE TEX XT XT T TE TE XT XT TE XT

Brain Drain

David Henning Stephen Sun

Long Island civic and economic life could be improved by fostering connections to educated younger residents. Catering to the “millennial” generation can spark the creation of new small businesses and attract employers who need an educated pool of workers. When the talented youth of Long Island move elsewhere after school, or when educated Long Islanders leave the area and their future productive efforts are lost to the region, the area experiences “brain drain.” Two sets of factors have a bearing on brain drain: lifestyle amenities and affordability concerns. Lifestyle amenities include the shape of the urban fabric. Lively, walkable districts can produce an atmosphere that some members of this demographic seek out, especially with the presence of restaurants, retail stores, bars, and movie theaters. Of course other segments of society can benefit as well from these neighborhood institutions.

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “Urban is a dirty word on Long Island. We try to use it as much as possible.”

S ea

s ais n McLean—Ren an

tow

Do wn

There is a major migration in Long Island from Queens to Nassau, and from Nassau to Suffolk County. This is matched by a general migration outward from Nassau and Suffolk to New York City, as well as a migration out of Long Island to other parts of the country. Left: National population migration. Right: Local population migration.

Kevin A - social life

tweets

Kevin A. is a fictional member of the disenchanted millennial cohort living in Hempstead, New York. Through his imagined social media posts, readers can understand how the constraints of staying on Long Island can contribute to “brain drain.” Hopefully his stories illustrate the frustration of this demographic segment.

Everything is so far away and there’s like no variety or choices. This is pretty depressing. Shoulda studied in the city. I can’t believe how suburbia has no concentration of good places to eat.

so hangry.....

12:21 pm

Brain Drain

Awesome Fried bananas. Worth the 20 min walk. #MiTierrita

12:36 pm bill at $21.44?! who are they catering to???

12:41 pm This is ridiculous. There is no green space or outdoor space on campus. instead i have to walk all the way to Brierly Park to enjoy some sun and do my econ readings.

it’s always important to call back your mom! One of the biggest problems here in long island isn’t merely housing, and transportation, and lack of social activities. even something as simple as cell-phone coverage isn’t figured out here.

3:05 pm

“Nothing but ‘failed calls’, incoming calls going straight to voice mail. Data rate on an iPhone5s hovers around completely unusable 10kb downstream with a ping over 500ms.” - 24th St. | 40th Ave., Long Island City, NY 11101

“The connection in my apartment is awful! Even if it shows 3- 4 bars, all calls fail. I’m so frustrated. There is only one spot in the entire apartment that makes it possible to make calls or text and even that one fails most of the days. I see UN building from my window and can’t make a phone call?! What’s wrong AT&T?!” - Waterfront, Long Island City, NY 11101

Tinder’s great and all for stalking and etc...except for the fact that there is a total of 12 girls in a TWENTY FIVE MILE RADIUS of anyone in Hempstead.

let’s try e-harmony instead.

3:45 pm

David Henning, Stephen Sun

“Signal registers at -80 db, which is plenty good for receiving and placing calls, but calls frequently can’t be placed or received, and voice quality frequently has dropouts or audio artifacts.” - 47th Ave.Near Pepsi-Cola Sign on East River, Long Island City, NY 11109

Hempstead - 0 Boston - 39 Should have gone to college in Boston

need to buy a gift. #failboyfriend just getting to the mall is a pain in the ass. access across James st and Stewart ave is impossible. I have to make a giant detour that doubles the distance traveled.

4:21 pm iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;m fine with walking but seriously?

4:25 pm

got parking?

4:39 pm

Brain Drain

4:15 pm

so apparently the only place around here that I can take my girl out is this steak house, and the reviews are pretty scathing. #iwishihadafuckingcar #whyisgettingaroundsodifficult #ihml

again getting around is a pain in the arse. 35 min of grandiose public transportation

5:50 pm

i wish there was a subway system on long island.

5:56 pm

David Henning, Stephen Sun

gift check. now to find the venue. #wheretoeat #gooddateplaces

Ugh rent is so expensive. Need to find another place to live but all I find are these weird single family homes that just donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t fit my lifestyle. some of these pics are hilarious though. check them out from apartment.com. who wants to pay $1,500 for that? canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t throw parties, canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have friends crashing...some serious mismatch in aesthetic taste. These people are socially inept. only old ppl who worry about status and wealth live like this

Brain Drain

9:13 pm

David Henning, Stephen Sun

I checked craigslist for affordable apartments. There are so many more apartments available between $400 and $800 in Boston and Chicago. It’s so much harder here. I wonder who’s hiring over there. I won’t be at the university forever.

I’m getting tired. both physically and of living here.

10:18 pm Literally 35 spots over the entire Nassau County.

We leave our student guide on the cusp of a major decision as he considers leaving Long Island. This particular resident is fictitious, and the timeline is condensed, but his concerns are real and the same barriers he confronts influence the decisions of his generational cohort. Hopefully

his social media feed illustrates the types of conditions that can be corrected to reverse pressure toward brain drain and keep more productive educated workers on Long Island.

Sea-Level Rise

Andrew Gipe Courtney Goode

On Long Island, Superstorm Sandy killed 14 people and destroyed or rendered uninhabitable more than 2,000 homes. FEMA estimates that roughly 10 percent of Nassau and Suffolk Countiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; 948,540 households experienced flooding or storm damage. Thanks to high winds and record water rise, 95,534 buildings were damaged or destroyed, resulting in nearly four million cubic yards of structural debris. Twenty-eight fire stations, 26 schools, three police stations, a hospital, major sewage treatment facilities, and 44 power stations were seriously damaged. Unfortunately, Sandy was just a preview of other crises on the horizon. A less spectacular though deeply consequential threat to Long Island is the slow creep of sea-level rise, which is currently projected to exceed two feet at a minimum (six feet at maximum) by 2100, submerging some coastal areas. Coupled with an expected increase in hurricanes and superstorms in the region, sea-level rise poses an imminent threat to the contemporary built environment, as well as to the lifestyles enjoyed by all Long Islanders.

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “We’re still picking up the pieces from Hurricane Sandy.”

d en Fri es— Lois How

Inches

75 50 25 0

of Fr ee por t

2020

2050

Global Sea-Level Rise

Long Island’s vulnerability to climate change. Due to various, regional coastal conditions, mean sea-level rise along the New York Coast is expected to exceed global averages.

2080

2100

New York Sea-Level Rise

Assessing Climate Change Vulnerability

Many populations on Long Island are vulnerable to the effects of climate change. By looking at all of them, we can get a clearer picture of epicenters of vulnerability.

Islip

Long Beach

Patchogue

Freeport

Jones Beach

Babylon

Fire Island

Riverhead

Riverside

Top to bottom: Storm surge; sea-level rise; Superstorm Sandy flooding.

Projects for Long Island

Wyandanch Central Islip

Baldwin

Long Beach

Riverhead/ Riverside Mastic Beach Smithtown

Freeport New Cassel

For the studio’s main assignment, students worked with nonprofit and community-based partners on initiatives aimed at updating Long Island’s communities for today’s demographic and environmental realities. As different roles are required for each initiative (architectural, landscape, or urban design, policy research, the identification of creative financing vehicles), each project is unique.

Living on the bay is getting more precarious, but retreating from your home and leaving your community is hard. What if you could retreat to somewhere—another home in the same village? There are hundreds of vacant properties inland in Mastic Beach where people could move. The village needs two tools to help this happen: a community land trust and a buy-out program. Two years after Superstorm Sandy, moldy houses with peeling siding are still visible along the coastal roads in Mastic Beach; a fair number are still inhabited. Nine or ten blocks inland are over 100 homes in varying states of pre-foreclosure, most vacant. This project makes a case to the village administration for 1) working with a community land trust to bring vacant homes back onto the market at affordable

er y—

Ma yo r

of M as

tic Beach

Mastic Beach Village: Trust Us

a ur Ma

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “We have hundreds of foreclosed properties. The banks sell the mortgages rather than taking the titles. The banks don’t care. This one guy just wants to give us his house.”

Rebekah Armstrong, MLA I Clients: Village of Mastic Beach

prices or as rentals, and 2) encouraging people living in high-risk coastal areas to apply for buyouts and move inland. Drawing people closer into the core of the village makes sense for the municipal budget. It also makes financial sense for individuals, as the village is a working-class community of people living mainly in small cottages. But convincing residents to support this plan is not only about finances; the village needs to build trust in its capacity as an institution and work to create a sense of place for the inland neighborhoods. From this studio, Mastic Beach Village received a memo making the case for moving residents inland and listing the steps needed, a white paper analyzing how to accomplish the first step, and a set of maps and slides for presenting the case to residents.

77 Top, left: Mastic Beach Village, median household incomes, 2012. Right: 12,930 residents in 4.847 housing units.

Bottom: Median household incomes and storm surge risk zones.

Storm Risk Mitigation: Adapt, Armor, Retreat? OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND

—

Op era

tion

SPLASH

“The bay is the cultural and economic engine of Long Island, and we’re ruining it.”

After Superstorm Sandy in 2012, the New York Rising committee for Mastic Beach identified 896 houses at extreme risk for future flooding. Of these, only 12 applied for a permit to elevate, 36 were offered a buyout, and 34 applied for acquisition. It costs $10,000 to $20,000 to elevate a house out of the flood zone in Mastic Beach. Grants were available from HUD through New York Rising, but only if their homes were substantially damaged. FEMA mitigation grants go to the village, not the individual. Why haven't the majority taken any action? Some dwellings might be summer homes. Some might be renter-occupied. Some homeowners are not eligible for grants. Regardless of the reasons, expecting everyone to elevate their own houses is proving to be ineffective as a village coastal hazard policy.

Mastic Beach Village: Trust Us

r ne elt W Rob

Rebekah Armstrong Coastal housing risks. Top: A house in Mastic Beach Village.

Bottom: Figures from New York Rising Community Construction Plan, Mastic Beach, and Smith Point-Shirley.

Lowering Housing Costs

Mastic Beach Village: Trust Us

Federal subsidies will not cover everyoneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s housing needs. Many residents of Mastic Beach Village are also resistant to multifamily housing. They expressed interest in homes that retain the suburban, detached character of their neighborhoods. The village should therefore consider community land trusts and cottage zoning as two tools to provide more housing for residnets moving away from the coats.

Inland Opportunities

Rebekah Armstrong

Measured by the number of pre-foreclosure fillings, Mastic Beach Village was one of the hardest-hit areas in Suffolk County. Hundreds of houses in the area sit vacant, sometimes five on a single block. The village has a unique opportunity to help its residents move out of the high-risk coastal areas and relocate elsewhere within the village, retaining both its community members and its tax base.

Bridging Baldwin

Wilson Rui Qian, MLA Stephen Sun, MArch II Clients: Baldwin Civic Association Vision Long Island

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND

no — Ba ldw in

on Civic Associati

“We want Baldwin to become a destination.”

n Kare

a lb ta n Mo

Bridging Baldwin proposes a bridging building that strengthens Baldwin’s existing identity while solving the following issues: pedestrian experience, housing, brain drain, density, brand identity, accessibility, aesthetics. When looking at Long Island from a regional perspective, several issues relate to transportation nodes: pedestrian walkability, transportation, housing density, accessibility, and brain drain. The most important finding is the fact that Long Island is losing its working population, which has a direct impact on the creation of jobs across the region. But if we’re able to come up with an architectural/urban solution to one of these points, the driving principles behind the design can be transferred to other sites. Baldwin is unincorporated, sandwiched between Rockville Centre and Freeport, two bigger incorporated towns. The town has difficulty attracting population and business. Yet we found a community supportive of the performing arts (including music, painting, writing, and dancing) and successful schools. Some initiatives have sought to create incubator spaces to attract younger populations as well as enhance relationships between medical clinics and South Nassau County Hospital. Our vision is that Baldwin becomes a destination for its ease of access to the Bay and

the economic opportunities provided by its medical-focused incubation spaces. This project involves designing simultaneously within the disciplines of landscape, urban design, and architecture. Our solution was to create a building that doubled as a bridge. This accomplishes two things: 1 The bridge provides safe pedestrian movement from the station and across a busy thoroughfare. 2 Car commuters and pedestrians can see and access the requested incubator labs and community spaces. This is not viewed as a stand-alone project, but a way of designing that can be implemented across Long Island, where each node will have specific contexts and assets, but face issues similar to those in Baldwin.

83 Above: Proposed community center bridging the highway. The activities of the community centerâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;dance, art making, theater, musicâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;would be visible to those waiting in traffic. This building also serves as a gateway to signify that youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve arrived in Baldwin and allows for welcoming signage. Left: Proposed vision of Milburn Park. Plans include increasing walkability and increasing density in housing.

Bridging Baldwin

84 Top: Long Island from a regional perspective.

Middle: Individual nodes (cities and towns) and the density of surrounding buildings. The red circle represents transit hot spots scattered across Sunrise Highway.

Bottom: Map showing Baldwinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s relationship to neighboring city Freeport. Given the economic competition between the towns, the design challenge is how to differentiate them.

Wilson Rui Qian, Stephen Sun

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “Grand Street here in Baldwin could be denser, greener, and more walkable, but change is hard here on Long Island.”

D av id Viana—Baldwin

i Civ so c

Bottom: Enlarged master plan drawing of the areas surrounding Milburn Park.

Top: Enlarged master plan drawing of the intersection of Merrick and Grand.

iat ion

Bridging Baldwin

Above: Enlarged master plan drawing of the intersection of Merrick and Grand. Left: Master plan drawing showing proposed buildings and densities across Baldwin. We will focus on three nodes: the intersections of Merrick and Grand, Sunrise and Grand, and Milburn Park.

6th oor

5th oor

4th oor

3rd oor

Legend Public Space

2nd oor

Community Spaces

Art/Tinkering Studios

Incubator Labs

Retail Commercial Spaces

Single Studio - 450 S.F.

2+ BD Apartments - 900 S.F.

1st oor

Top: Various floors and programs in the proposed community center, showing community spaces, incubation labs, medical clinics, and housing.

3+ BD Apartments - 1600 S.F.

Bottom: Floor plans showing program distribution.

Wilson Rui Qian, Stephen Sun

Medical Oﬃce Spaces

Bridging Baldwin

88 Above: Proposed new street type for Sunrise Highway, establishing a more walkable and pedestrian-friendly experience.

Wilson Rui Qian, Stephen Sun Top: Network of issues, assets, and needs of Baldwin.

Bottom: Proposed vision of community center bridging the highway.

Bridging Baldwin

90 Street types that are tactics in improving the streetscape and the pedestrian experience.

Clients: All those interested in public space in the suburbs publicly selected, their implementation overseen in part by the citizens themselves. More than simply creating more public space, the policy builds on a potentially unrecognized asset to empower the community to take ownership over their own space. There are of course potential flaws in using Google Street View as a methodology for primary research, and no doubt also political, logistical, and legislative questions over the realization of the policy itself. This project is more of a provocation than a proposal, and while I do not expect to see such a policy enacted in the near future—in Wyandanch or elsewhere—I hope that it might prompt a conversation about alternative ways of looking at what is meant by public space in the suburbs and how we might better serve the communities that create it.

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “Unfortunately there aren’t many designed public spaces like parks or squares, and the few that do exist are either not well taken care of or are spaces located in areas where people of color are not made to feel welcomed.”

h et ak s—M Irma Soli

In an environment that was built on and shaped by the concept of privacy, this project examines what public space looks like in the suburbs. Particularly in light of suburbia’s changing demographic makeup, it uses these observations to reconsider how our planning strategies might be better designed to suit the needs of those who live there. Driving around Wyandanch on Long Island, I was struck by just how many people were out on the streets—waiting, working, walking, talking, playing, and more. This observation prompts an important question: in the suburbs, the very essence of which has always been about having privacy, what becomes of public space? This project is an attempt to address that question. More than anything, it is an exercise in looking. Using the tool of Google Street View, I undertook a comprehensive “walk” through Wyandanch. Declared in 2001 “the most distressed community on Long Island,” Wyandanch nonetheless created its own vibrant public life in the hamlet’s private and semi-public spaces, what I term “the publicization of private space.” Contrary to the well-worn conception of the suburbs as sterile, monotonous, and boring, this suburb is active, creative, and exciting. How then might we begin to imagine a different kind of public space provision—one that chooses to embrace rather than ignore these small, informal instances of public life? Building on my findings, I suggest an intentionally provocative policy that proposes funding the community to come up with its own imaginative conceptions of public space—an alternative method of public space delivery that might sit alongside the centralized parks proposed by planning departments and for-profit developers. With municipal bodies already under financial pressures—and without wanting to detract from existing public space budgets—I propose obtaining funding from the fines levied on those caught illegally dumping, instances of which unfairly impact low-income communities. Drawing on examples of crowd-funded public space initiatives such as Patronicity in Michigan and the online Ioby, I propose that ideas for public space be crowd-sourced and

Rob Wellburn, MUP

The Publicization of Private Space

Ro ad NY

Methodology: Just Lookin'

Wyandanch

Area: 4.47 sq. miles Pop. density: 2,588.2 / sq. miles. 13 percent of families below the federal poverty line (2010)

Babylon

Suffolk

Area: 912.05 sq. miles Pop. density: 1630.7 / sq. miles. 3.8 percent of families below the federal poverty line (2010)

The Publicization of Private Space

I began this project by looking. Using Google Street View, I “walked” the streets of Wyandanch, New York, recording everyone I saw. I noticed trends: where people clustered, where they played, and so on. From this, I began to map an alternative Wyandanch, one marked by public activity. The I started to incorporate other sources, from the writings of urbanists well versed in “looking,” such as William H. Whyte, to local knowledge, including organizations and news sources.

Rob Wellburn

Observations: Learning from Long Island

1 Suburbia has a busy public(ish) realm. Contrary to perceptions of suburbia as boring and sterile, walking around in Google Maps reveals a host of individuals undertaking all manner of activities, from the mundane to the unusual.

3 Parking lots are also a social space. There are plenty of people out and about in public spaces too, especially in parking lots, whether in a strip mall or simply an open lot. These ranged from chance interactions— stopping to talk in passing—to large groups purposefully claiming the space.

4 Front yards can be shops. Public space isn’t only recreational. The street was also claimed for other uses, such as a regular yard sale on an otherwise uneventful street. “Leftover spaces” were also transformed to serve commerce, including an empty corner lot that became a watermelon stand.

The Publicization of Private Space

2 The front yard is a social space. I used the term “public-ish” because much of this activity takes place on private property, in the front yard. As private property that opens up to the street, this creates chance interactions and transforms formerly private space into a new kind of suburban public space.

5 Quiet streets make basketball courts. Basketball hoops are often set up on the roadside, and at the end of cul-de-sacs, whole small-scale courts had been installed.

7 Conversations take place on corners. Although it is hard to verify through Google Street View, people tend to gather at street corners. Particularly when people arrived by a variety of modes of transport, it gave me the sense that conversations had erupted spontaneously.

8 Public space comes from unusual places. Finally, when public space doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t exist, people make it. In an area without many restaurants or bars, the clubhouse of an organization called the Peacemakers Motorcycle Club operates as a place for the community to sit, have a drink, and talk.

Rob Wellburn

6 People leave their bikes unlocked. The suburbs are full of cyclists, and bikes tend to be left unlocked, whether on main streets, left on lawns, or lying on the pavement.

Policy: Public Space for Everyone

Policy Overview Officials from the Town of Babylon and citizens form a collective board to oversee the process

Projects are initially reviewed for suitability by the board

05 The review board, the 28-day review period

Individuals and small groups apply for funds to generate creative public space projects

applicants, and willing volunteers collectively implement the strategy

There is a 28-day window for the community to vote and comment on the proposals

Title Rob Wellburn

Firstname Lastname

Wyandanch, 2020 How might the hamlet look if policy placed the making of public space in the hands of the community, enabling the citizens themselves to dictate how public money is spent? More than simply creating more public space, this project marks an attempt to think about how we might empower the community to take ownership of their own space.

The Project Lot: A Working Parkscape for Freeport

The Project Lot proposes a set of small, strategically designed construction projects that benefit the CoLoKi Freeport Trailer for day laborers across a wide range of needs. The projects are designed to be multifaceted and teach new skills, provide visible examples of work, increase leadership and skill-share opportunities, curate stored materials that act as a new revenue stream, and improve the quality of the site as a new public amenity for the workers, contractors, and local community. Since 1980, the Hispanic population of Freeport has quadrupled. For more than 10 years, the CoLoKi Freeport Trailer has worked to alleviate immigration-related stress by organizing the growing number of immigrant day laborers. The organization provides a more dignified and effective system for connecting workers with contractors, while offering valuable educational programs and community services such as ESL courses, hot breakfasts, ID cards, library cards, partnerships with other nonprofits, and assistance with obtaining U.S. citizenship. Recently CoLoKi has faced new challenges including decreased funding, lack of site and brand visibility, dwindling clientele, and the threat of being pushed from their property by developers. They need to find new revenue streams, strengthen relationships with potential

Courtney Goode, MLA I Client: CoLoKi Freeport Trailer

employers, and advocate for the value that their services bring to Freeport. I worked with Liz O’Shaughnessy and many of the day laborers to develop a diverse suite of solutions. One of the largest work-related challenges faced by the day laborers is having no means of showcasing and communicating their vocational capabilities to potential employers. Based on numerous consultations, I developed a new logo, fill-in-the-blank business cards, skills certificate and inventory forms, a skill-share training program, and a material storage program. I also designed furniture and a landscape typology, the “storage parklet.” These elements work together as an integrated system to help alleviate the Trailer’s most pressing problems. The new logo maximizes the most memorable features of the organization: the distinctive red building and colloquial name, “the Freeport Trailer.” The fill-in-the-blank business cards better meet the needs of frequently changing phone numbers and the fluctuating workforce; the worker skills certificates provide a portable, pocket-sized proof-of-skills in English, customized for each day laborer. The skill-share workshops capitalize on the vast pool of talent among the Trailer’s workforce. These workshops create leadership opportunities for skilled workers and empower unskilled workers to increase their competitive

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “Day laborers are here anyway we’re not attracting them, we’re integrating them into the community. They are contributing as a labor force, and spending their money locally. What we provide is a much better, safer alternative than the Home Depot lot, because we build relationships with the workers here, so they are committed.”

Liz O’Shaughnes Lo Co sy —

edge. Materials used in the workshops could be donated by local businesses or community members for a tax credit or on-site promotion, which opens a new avenue for positive interaction between the Trailer and the community. The workshops would be project-based and result in tangible, highly visible on-site portfolio pieces. Each skill-share project would be designed and constructed as an architectural storage parklet. Providing organized space for material storage raises funds for the Trailer through rental agreements. This program would allow wholesalers to store and sell products such as containerized street trees, shrubs, mulch, and compost in a more strategic location. The storage parklets create dual storage and recreation spaces, while increasing traffic from landscape and construction contractors. This tightly integrated project-based system creates a highly visible, active site of recreation, building workshops, and material exchange, while benefitting all stakeholders. Simultaneously, it serves as a common ground for fostering positive interaction among the day laborers, employers, and the community.

The Project Lot: A Working Parkscape

100 Top: Skills inventory workshop organized and run by Courtney Goode (Harvard GSD), with Mirna (translator), Liz (Director), and 11 attendees. Workshop yielded nine complete and two partial skill profiles.

Bottom, left: Completed skill-share form from workshop. Right: form turned into skills profile for Trailer.

Freeport, New York Courtney Goode

The Freeport Day Labor Trailer. Freeport, NY

101

Courtney Goode

RELATIONSHP + BENEFITS DIAGRAM

TRAILER CAN PAY RENT

Liz O’Shaughnessy Executive Director CoLoKi Inc / Freeport Trailer

PARTNERSHIPS

LEADERSHIP ROLES

IMPROVES PERCEPTION

STRENGTHENING RELATIONSHIPS

STRENGTHENING SKILLS

Robert Kennedy Freeport Mayor 2013-present

CATCHES ATTENTION

PARTNERSHIPS

Santos E. Gutierrez Age: 34 From: Honduras Lived in the US for: 11 years Coming to the trailer: 11 years

IMPROVES PERCEPTION

CONTRACTOR

WORK SAMPLES

VISIBILITY

Guadalupe Funes Age: [not listed] From: Honduras Lived in the US for: 11 years Coming to the trailer: 6 years

STORED MATERIALS

CARPENTRY CONTAINER TREES + SHRUBS

GRANULAR MATERIAL PILES

SKILL SHARE WORKSHOP

LANDSCAPING

HOME DEPOT

INCENTIVES TO DO THE SKILLSHARE

DONATED MATERIALS

COMMUNITY MEMBERS DIMENSIONAL LUMBER

WORK BOOTS

TRAINING PROJECTS ACCUMULATE TO FORM A PARK

STEEL

MACHINE OPERATOR SOCIALIZING

STRENGTHENS COMMUNITY AMONG WORKERS

GROUP RECREATION PUBLIC PARK

Community Organizations

LOCAL WORKERS

STRENGTHENS COMMUNITY WITH OUTSIDE NEIGHBORS

NY State Dept of Transportation Land Lease Holder

Certificate Programs

Top: The CoLoKi Freeport Trailer.

Bottom: Diagram of stakeholder benefits from proposed skill-share workshop projects, material donation, and contractor material storage parklets.

Storage Parklet Construction Projects Outdoor parklet construction projects built during a series of skill-share workshops among the Trailer's labor force. Once built, these parklets have dual recreational/storage capabilities, and are used to organize stored landscape contractor materials that bring in new revenue for the Trailer, such as containerized trees, shrubs, mulch, compost, and other materials.

25m

PROJECT VIGNETTES PROJECT VIGNETTES DECK 3 CARPENTRY Scale: 1:125 Scale: 1:125 STORES GRANULAR MATERIALS

INCLUDES SEAT WALLS

38m

38m 20m

25m

20m

25m

CARPENTRY DECK 1 CARPENTRY DECK 1 STORES GRANULAR MATERIALS INCLUDES SEATSTORES WALLS GRANULAR MATERIALS INCLUDES SEAT WALLS

CARPENTRY DECK 2 CARPENTRY DECK 2 STORES GRANULAR MATERIALS STORES TREES STORES GRANULAR MATERIALS INCLUDES SEAT STORES WALLS TREES INCLUDES SEAT WALLS

38m

30m

The Project Lot: A Working Parkscape

102

38m

C S IN

CARPENTRY DECK CA STORES GRANULAR ST INCLUDES SEAT WA INC

38m

30m

CARPENTRY DECK 4 CARPENTRY DECK 4 7 CARPENTRY DECK STORES TREES CARPENTRY DECK 7 STORES TREES STORES GRANULAR MATERIAL INCLUDES SEAT WALLS STORES GRANULAR MATERIAL INCLUDES SEAT WALLS FLEXIBLE FLEXIBLE

CARPENTRY DECK 9 STORES GRANULAR MATERIAL FLEXIBLE

Top: Carpentry Deck 3. Stores granular materials; includes seat walls.

38m

CARPENTRY DECK 8 CARPENTRY DECK 8 STORES GRANULAR MATERIAL GRANULAR CARPENTRY DECK 5MATERIAL FLEXIBLE DECK STORES CARPENTRY 5 FLEXIBLE STORES TREES STORES TREES INCLUDES SEAT WALLS INCLUDES SEAT WALLS

CARPENTRY DEC STORES GRANU FLEXIBLECARPE STORE INCLUD

Clockwise from top left: Carpentry Deck 1. Stores granular materials; includes seat walls. Carpentry Deck 2. Stores granular materials and trees; includes seat walls. Carpentry Deck 5. Stores trees; includes seat walls. Carpentry Deck 4. Stores trees; includes seat walls.

103

Courtney Goode

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “Long Island’s immigrants are a huge part of our economy.”

t Yo u ng — CAR

Top: Existing site of Freeport Trailer.

Bottom: Long-term site plan for Freeport Trailer Project Lot.

Old Logo Design

New Logo Design

BUSINESS CARDS fill-in-the-blank

104

Fill-in-the-Blank Business Cards Accommodates the changing phone numbers of the workers, ﬂuctuating workforce, and ﬂexibility of the organization.

2”

2” SKILLS CERTIFICATES fill-in-the-blank pocket-sized

2”

3.5”

3.5” 3”

3”

Graphic rebranding of the Freeport Trailer.

3”

5”

Fill-in-the-Blank Skills Certificate Provides workers with a portable proof of skills, endorsements, and credibility of being backed by the Freeport Trailer.

5”

The Project Lot: A Working Parkscape

New Promotional Logo Piece (t-shirts, bumper stickers, signs)

105

Courtney Goode Near-term design solutions material storage parklet, board game model.

Prospect for New Cassel

o Ca wn n” Lak Co e mm unity Center

106

Prospect for New Cassel identifies strategies to help realize the active front porch to the community envisioned a decade ago in a hamlet-wide planning exercise, and to make use of the prior large-scale investments in the community. While on Long Island, I was captivated by Prospect Avenue in New Cassel, a massive visioning exercise in 2002. The new vision included treating Prospect as the neighborhood main street with new density, mixed-use projects, and major street improvements, as well as a new community center complex. As a testament to the strong will of the community, the plans were largely realized. The community center location was shifted a block from Prospect, but in general the recommendations came right out of a planner’s best-practices handbook. And yet the community has not assimilated the improvements of Prospect Avenue into their daily lives. Some storefronts remain empty, and the cause is not clear. Prospect for New Cassel seeks to identify what works in physical changes to the street and to provide suggestions for small actions that coalitions of community members can take to invigorate Prospect Avenue into the kind of space the community requested at the visioning stage. New Cassel community members are active, but they have many outlets for their efforts outside of coordination with this studio, so the OVERHEARD ON proposals are specific LONG ISLAND enough to highlight “The entire community is welcome here. We’re looking the benefits, while to provide open arms to all of remaining general our residents.” enough that various coalitions of community actors can pick up small projects as they have time or inclination. As much as possible, proposals reference observed resources in and around New Cassel. Bicycle infrastructure can bring the community into closer contact. Prospect Avenue has Br ril e wide bicycle lanes, and both youth Ap s W “Ye and some adults use bicycles to get around. Businesses or community

David Henning, MUP Client: Unified New Cassel Community Revitalization Corporation groups can nurture this culture by providing bicycle repair stations. When repairs and improvements take place near the street instead of in a garage, it brings the activity out into the public, where people can engage around the amenity. Recycling is already happening in New Cassel on a scale larger than the individual house. This activity can be given similar public infrastructure, near the street to make it a point of interest and spark curiosity and community in much the same way. Local industry and craftspeople can also take a more prominent place on the street and become even better neighbors. In conversations with locals, it is clear that some businesses south of the Long Island Rail Road have contributed time and materials to community amenities along Prospect. More can be welcomed to display their skills at masonry or tiling or even car repair and customization. These businesses on the edge of New Cassel are interesting, and rather than the community settling for empty space along ground floors, these craftspeople can be encouraged to take on some of that space, requiring only that their work is visible to passersby. Existing local businesses and town programs for retirees can also be coaxed into some space that would have been retail. Through many actions, the liveliness of Prospect Avenue and its importance to the New Cassel community can be built, brick-by-brick, bike-by-bike, craft-by-craft.

MALL, BIG BOX, ETC.

LIR

>65

<18

Black

Latino

Median Income

$71,506

NEW CASSEL pop. 14,049

9.3%

27.7%

38.2%

53.9%

NORTH HEMPSTEAD

$104,378

pop. 226,322

17.3%

24.4%

5.6%

12.8%

*2010 Census, Income 2008-12 ACS

Top: Although original plans called for ground-floor retail, New Cassel and Prospect Avenue are surrounded by commercial areas accessible by car. Not all locals have cars, but the presence of competing business nonetheless siphons off market share.

Bottom: Demographics of New Cassel: New Cassel is more diverse and younger than its â&#x20AC;&#x153;parentâ&#x20AC;? town of North Hempstead. Its household median income is also threefourths that of the larger municipality.

107

LIR

Lighting

Banners

Foliage

Green Swales

Street Parking Bump-Outs

Bike Lanes

108

Prospect for New Cassel

Trash Cans

Top: Street improvements: The 2002 plan improved the streetscape.

Bottom: Done Right. Clockwise from top left: The “Yes We Can” Community Center, another positive outcome of planning; by partnering with a local business and a nonprofit, New Cassel supports a farmer’s market on Prospect; street furniture that brings activity out into the public; example of pedestrian and bicycle improvements.

Cycling Fundraising

More Cyclists

Local Biz

Church

Cyclists

Customers/ Congregation

Cycle Shop

Park

Repair Station

109

David Henning

Government

Top: Cycling. Small improvements can spark big usage change, though even small improvements involve many actors.

Bottom, this and following page: Once basic infrastructure is established, it can support a community that brings even more activity to Prospect Avenue.

Recycling

Community Group

Recycling

Rebate Machines

Rebate Dealer

Recycle Bins

Sorting Surfaces

110

Prospect for New Cassel

Informed

Original Recyclers

Bins Sorting Surface

Rebate Machines

Recycling. It isnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t just good for the Earth, it is an interesting activity, and if brought out into the open, shared effort can foster a sense of community.

Craftsmen

Investors Landowners

Trades of South New Cassel

Yes We Can

Informed Government

Government

111

David Henning

Retiree Services Other Activities

Yes We Can

Government

Internet/ Comp Elderly

Game Tables

Top: Craftsman. Businesses to the south of the railroad are successful, and their skills can be showcased in the Prospect storefronts. This can also spark interest in potential careers for young locals and pride for all.

Landowners

Bottom: Retirees. Active at different times of the day and can claim the street during the workday. Town funding is available for retiree services, such as computer classes.

Local Businesses and Shoppers Investor

Customers

Local Biz

Landowner

Biz Owner Observers

Government

Yes We Can

New Cassel

Shoppers

Road Network

Neighbors

112

Prospect for New Cassel

Walkers

Top: Local businesses and stores. Local stores that are successful can be enticed into the empty spaces so that new construction to meet the affordable housing demand can continue as needed along the street.

Bottom: A Glimpse of the Future: As the many pieces of this multifaceted strategy are activated, the sum of it all is a more vibrant space for New Cassel.

The School House Project

Marcus Pulsipher, MLAUD Client: ERASE Racism

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “Long Island is the tenth most segregated metropolitan region in the country... Because we are segregated by where we live, our children overwhelmingly attend racially segregated schools... This matters. Segregated public schools are inherently unequal, and it’s a detriment to everbody.”

AS ER ss— Elaine Gro

The School House Project seeks to mitigate the adverse effects of racial and socioeconomic segregation that is endemic to Long Island by repurposing vacant school properties located within high opportunity areas and converting them into mixed-income suburban centers with an abundance of affordable housing. Long Island has a long history of racial and socioeconomic discrimination. This unfortunate tradition has given the island the dubious distinction of being “America’s Most Segregated Suburb.” Throughout the island racially diverse populations have systematically been steered into concentrated centers of poverty and blight while a complex network of laws, regulations, and policies have been established to make it nearly impossible for people to move out. The School House Project proposes to alleviate this problem by taking vacant school properties located in predominantly white, affluent communities and converting them into mixed-income suburban centers. By taking advantage of the diverse uses already built into school buildings, these projects would not only provide low-income housing, they would also include needed commercial and civic uses that would serve the entire community, facilitating their integration into their respective neighborhoods.

With more than 20 public and E Ra private school closings on Long Island cis m within the last 10 years, there are many potential locations for this type of project, but not all of them are ideal. Opportunity mapping (using a number of key indicators such as school district performance, crime rate, proximity to transit, and climate change vulnerability) was used to identify the properties best situated for this type of project. Using this method the Nesconset Elementary School in Smithtown, New York was identified and selected as an ideal test case. With a project site identified, an analysis of the existing school building identified potential opportunities and challenges for conversion. The sprawling, interconnected nature of the Nesconset Elementary School building lent itself to an easy division of public and private programs. An extensive needs analysis of the surrounding community identified goods and services located close to the project site and those that should be included in the project program. Additional development on the property was designed to enable the project to blend with the character of the neighborhood. Stealth density could be achieved by placing quad-plex buildings, which have the appearance of single-family homes, along existing roads with higher-density

The School House Project

114

townhouses in the center. A dispersed park program was incorporated into a network of pocket parks and open spaces throughout the property. This combination of residential, recreational, and commercial activities creates a dynamic environment that can serve as a new hub for the whole community. Implementing a project of this type in a place like Long Island won’t be easy. In acknowledgment of this, several advocacy materials, such as informational pamphlets, marketing brochures, and financial analysis were created to help project organizers secure the requisite funding and municipal approval. Through the successful implementation of the School House Project, poor, racially diverse families with limited previous opportunities would be able to live in higher-quality housing in safer neighborhoods that are closer to job centers and provide better access to healthy food and other goods and services. But most important, this project would permit these families to send their children to well-funded, high-performing schools, giving them a better chance to break the cycle of poverty.

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND

rie m Alfa un n ity so-Jones Fou ndation

“If Long Island doesn’t expand housing and transportation options, Long Island is doomed.”

a l M om So d C an Isl Long

Project Narrative and Justification

GYM/LOCKER ROOMS

ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICES

Marcus Pulsipher

CAFETERIA/KITCHEN

LIBRARY

CLASSROOMS

AUDITORIUM

WOOD/METAL SHOP

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Public Library Work Space Apartment Units Preschool Day Care Studio Art Space Performing Arts Theater Movie Theater Auto Mechanic Workshop Fitness Center Community Rec Center Sports Club Laundromat Small Business Oﬃces Medical Clinic Restaurant Retail Space Pharmacy Food Court Market Multi-Purpose Space Gallery Space

WHY SHOULD WE DO THIS PROJECT It moves low-income, minority families closer to job centers

It gives them greater access to healthy food

It gets them into safer neighborhoods

It gets them closer to necessary goods and services

It provides them with higher quality housing

It gives their children the best education available

Middle: The advantages to converting.

115

A pamphlet was created to help project organizers to not only advocate for action against descriminatory housing practices, but to demonstrate the power of the School House Project approach to integration. In this way, the project might be able to secure vital funding from government and private sources.

high opportunity

low opportunity

Climate Change Vulnerability

Proximity to Transit

Proximity to Libraries

Rental/Multi-Family Housing

Poverty Rate

Proximity to Grocery Stores

Proximity to Health Care

Crime Rate

Unemployment Rate

Commuting Distance

Racial Homogeneity

116

School Performance

Top: Selection of project site. The culmination of the opportunity mapping exercise showing areas of both high and low opportunity, resulting in the selection of the Nesconset Elementary School as the test case.

Bottom: Maps demonstrating the 12 key indicators used to create the opportunity map above.

Tools for Political Advocacy

SMITHTOWN, NY

FAIRFIELD, CT

CHERRY HILLS, NJ

BURLINGTON, MA

BOWIE, MD

BATAVIA, IL

2,160/sq mile

1,927/sq mile

2,948/sq mile

2,100/sq mile

2,969/sq mile

2,638/sq mile

$110,776

$100,920

$104,983

$99,123

$109,157

$103,445

Population

117,801

60,855

71,045

24,498

54,727

26,318

Total Housing Units

41,000

20,000

26,000

9,400

19,000

9,300

Rental Units

5,110

3,638

5,243

3,097

3,201

2,385

Affordable Units

410

892

797

293

307

523

% Of Rental Units That Are Affordable

12.5%

18.2%

20.2%

32.9%

16.8%

25.6%

Affordable Units Per 100,000 Residents

348.0

1362.3

1121.8

1196.0

561.0

1987.2

% Of Total Units That Are Affordable

1.0%

4.1%

3.1%

1.6%

5.6%

Percentage Of Rental Units That Are Affordable

8.0%

22.8%

15.2%

9.5%

9.6%

21.9%

Population Density Area Median Income

CENTRAL ISLIP SCHOOL DISTRICT

SMITHTOWN SCHOOL DISTRICT

DISTRICT RANKING

STUDENTS PASSING REGENTS EXAMS

84.3

DROPOUT RATE

STUDENTS RECEIVING FREE/REDUCED LUNCH

GRADUATES RECEIVING ADVANCED DIPLOMAS

RACIAL BREAKDOWN

0.3% 3.0% 57.0% CHEM SCI ENG ENV M-A M-B PHYS

39.7

WHITE BLACK LATINO ASIAN

4.9% 67.1% 17.0% CHEM SCI ENG ENV M-A M-B PHYS

Middle: Comparing Smithtown with simiar suburbs.

WHITE BLACK LATINO ASIAN

Bottom: Smithtown schools compared to neighboring low-income schools.

117

Acknowledging that like most municipalities on Long Island, Smithtown would likely resist this type of inclusionary project, a pamphlet was created to help project organizers frame the argument to city officials that adopting such a project was not only the right thing to do, but in their best interests.

Analyzing Financial Viability

118

The School House Project

To further demonstrate the viability of the project, a discounted cash flow analysis was performed. The analysis demonstrated how, through creative bundling of various subsidy programs, the project could not only be financially stable but be consistently, and sustainably profitable. This could be used to assuage any fears potential investors might have.

Proposed Subsidy Bundle •

50% of affordable units (54) recieve ProjectBased Section 8 status

•

The city sells the property for 66% of fair market value

•

The Project receives $20 million through a combination of tax credits, grants and other funding sources

•

We get a federal interest rate reduction from 6% down to 3%

Middle: The Nesconset Elementary School in Smithtown, New York, the recently closed public school selected as a test-case project site.

INTERNAL RATE OF RETURN

15.97%

RETURN ON INVESTMENT UPON SALE

21.35%

Bottom, right: Resulting Return.

Selling the Project

119

Marcus Pulsipher

To help the future developer sell the concept of the project to not only city officials but to future residents, a brochure was developed, in the style of a marketing brochure, highlighting the character and features of the new development and demonstrating how it will help fill various programmatic needs within the greater community.

Middle: Rendering showing the general character of the residential streets within the new development.

Bottom: Site plan showing the proposed design for the converted school property.

The School House Project

120 Top: A birdâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s eye view of the proposed project site.

Bottom: Program needs analysis. A composite diagram illustrating the availability of needed goods and services within walking distance of the site, which also identifies programmatic needs for the new development.

121

121 Firstname Lastname

main office restrooms classrooms gym cafeteria kitchen library utility

Top: A detailed illustration of the site design around the converted school building, including amenities such as a flexible hybrid plaza/parking lot and community garden space.

community center grocery store

civic

laundry general retail pharmacy

residential

health clinic day care dining housing

commercial

Bottom: Diagrams showing the conversion of programs within the school building. Left to right: Existing building program; program conversion; proposed building program.

First Floor

Second Floor

Townhouse Building

One Bedroom Unit

The School House Project

122

Quadplex Building

Two Bedroom Unit

Quadplex Buildings

Residential Center

Day Care Center

Health Clinic

Townhouses

Commercial Center

Community Center

Grocery Store

Top: The two building typologies that will allow the project to blend into the general character of the neighborhood.

Bottom: Diagram showing the location of various building typologies and programs on the site.

Peconic Loop

Paloma Garcia Simon, MLA I Clients: Town of Riverhead Town of Southampton

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “You have a lot of synergy going on: you have a bridge that might open up to a park, you have the reconfiguration of the circle, sidewalks are getting redone. And then you have Renaissance doing a community engagement process to identify what kind of development they want to see and hopefully through that create a cohesive synergetic plan for the area that will help fully revitalize the region economically and socioeconomically.”

S ir

is Ba ersi rrios—Riv

community center, this project proposes the Peconic Loop: a one-mile loop along and across the river. The project seeks to genis erate new experiences along the co ve loop that will attract businesses, r ed visitors, and residents to transform the area into a vibrant downtown. Five sites adjacent to the loop were selected and strategic interventions developed: the Peconic Pedestrian Way, the Great Peconic County Park, a community-retail-housing development, a pocket playground, and the Riverfront Outdoor Gymnasium. d Re de

The Peconic Loop project seeks to address community needs such as river access and recreational opportunities, while creating a destination along and across the Peconic River. It provides a strategic framework that will transform the existing conditions of five sites in the hamlets of Riverhead and Riverside into new and unique experiences. The Peconic River is the longest river in Long Island, located in Suffolk County where the North and South Forks split. It functions as the physical boundary between the townships of Riverhead and Southampton, and more specifically between the hamlets of Riverhead and Riverside. Since the mid-1970s, when the Long Island Expressway was completed, the communities have declined economically while their populations have become more diverse. The last few years have seen momentum to revitalize the communities. Several grants have been awarded, and a pedestrian bridge project developed by AECOM seems to be the strategic key for uplifting these hamlets. Conditions on the bridge site, however, are not optimal. To adapt conditions to enable the bridge to trigger the revitalization of both communities and meet community needs for riverfront access, year-round recreational opportunities appropriate for different age groups, and a

PECONIC LOOP Proposed: Community Center

TRAFFIC CIRCLE

Proposed: Great Peconic County Park

Proposed: Riverfront Outdoor Gymnasium

ROUTE 24

Proposed: Pocket Playground Proposed: Peconic Pedestrian Way Pedestrian Bridge Project

PECONIC PEDESTRIAN WAY POCKET PLAYGROUND RIVERFRONT OUTDOOR GYMNASIUM

GREAT PECONIC COUNTY PARK

COMMUNITY CENTER COMMERCIAL | RESIDENTIAL DEVELOPMENT

Top: Urban context study including parcels selected for design interventions to create the Peconic Loop.

Bottom: Master plan of proposed design interventions.

Following page: Plans and perspective views of existing conditions and proposed design interventions.

Peconic Loop

124

E. MAIN STREET

125

Paloma Garcia Simon

Peconic Loop

126 Top: Peconic Pedestrian Way: perspective view of the holiday market during the winter.

Bottom: Peconic Pedestrian Way: rendered plan during spring.

127

Paloma Garcia Simon Top: Great Peconic County Park: perspective view of the amphitheater, a community space.

Bottom: Great Peconic County Park: rendered plan during summer season depicting proposed facilities: amphitheater, soccer field, beach volleyball field, beach, senior playground, boardwalk trails, big lawn, parking lots, forest.

Peconic Loop

128 Top: Riverfront Outdoor Gymnasium: perspective view during a basketball game.

Bottom: Riverfront Outdoor Gymnasium: rendered plan during fall.

129

Paloma Garcia Simon Peconic Loop: Birdâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s-eye view of proposed master plan.

Making Community Art Space Together

Tomatsu Ito, MArch II Yuxiang Luo, MArch II Clients: Teatro Experimental Yerbabruja Sustainable Long Island

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND

ita

Es pa

da—

Teatro Yerbabr

uja

“It is important for the people to get empowered through art and daily activities, and then they will together bring about the larger social change.”

130

rg Ma

The Art Center project designs both the physical interactive furniture and the conceptual framework for its larger neighborhood impact. A series of workshops are crucial components in the design process, to engage, integrate, and empower community members in Central Islip. Allowing for the Art Center’s broad range of activities, the design concept utilizes portable and transformative furniture to activate flexible use within the space. People are encouraged to play with these furniture pieces and discover new possibilities of configuration, expressing their needs through customization. At the larger scale of the neighborhood, the Art Center plays a key role in neighborhood revitalization and community integration by interacting with the community’s individuals, groups, and organizations/institutions, through their exchange of needs and resources. By building up social capital through such interaction, the Art Center creates dynamic social, cultural, and economic scenes in Central Islip. For the design process and execution, the project engages the community through workshop series. The workshops happen before, during, and after construction. These events provide crucial opportunities for community members to engage in the project and allow the design to be used as an instrument for expressing

community needs. Through surveys, joined construction, customizations, and social events, the project can transfer its ownership to the larger community. The Art Center thus brings together the community of Central Islip, revitalizing the neighborhood through art making and the collective production of space. People can engage with tangible pieces of art and architecture, express their identities, and begin to understand the identities of others around them. The Art Center pioneers the path to revitalize, integrate, and earn respect for neighborhoods in Long Island.

Central Islip / Teatro Yerbabruja Central Islip is located in Suffolk County, where serious issues facing immigrants include discord among those of different ethnicities, the welfare of children of undocumented immigrants, immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; lack of engagement in politics, and hate crimes perpetrated against immigrants.

entrance to apt

entrance to apt entrance to apt

front lawn

food & bar

kitchen backdoor

front lawn entrance to apt

Commercial side

Walkway

Theater

Residential side

Top: Plan, Central Islip.

Middle and bottom: The site has connections with both commercial and residential areas.

131

entrance to apt

Community/Artist/NPO/ Architect We met Margarita Espada, who with the support of the non-profit organization Sustainable Long Island established the Art Center in Central Islip as a catalyst of social change.

Sustainable Long Island can help with funding and surveys!

We are really excited about the project!

We help materializing them by design!

Shawn

Community Member

Amy Engel

Sustaibable Long Island

Margarita Espada Artist/Teatro Yaebabruja

Yuxiang Luo

Tamatsu Ito

Making Community Art Space Together

132

We are making an Art Center in the neighborhood, and we need help for the design of a portable stage.

Design Frameworking in Three Scales We designed at three scales: a small scale for quick action leading to the grand opening of the Art Center on December 12, 2014, followed by outside space design and the engagement of the community within an interactive design framework .

BRANDING & GRAPHIC IDENTITY

Discrete elements gather to become a general texture for all.

Color Scheme

Units BRANDING & GRAPHIC IDENTITY

133

Tomatsu Ito, Yuxiang Luo

Discrete elements gather to become a general texture for all.

Transform from Stage to Table/Chair Creative Writing

Theater

Different Programs with Same Furniture

Modular Coordination 2X

2X X

Prototyping

3X 2X

6X 2X

Details allow Imprecision

Top, left to right: Scale 1: Stage, furniture, interior. Scale 2: The outdoor public space. Scale 3: Larger neighborhood network.

Bottom: Scale 1: Stage, furniture, interior as a quick action. Proposal for Margaritaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s specific requirements approached in proactive ways.

Making Community Art Space Together

134 Scale 2: Outdoor public space. Top: Lines and squares on the ground. Basic spatial activators: These lines are the most efficient way to connect the sidewalk to the alleyways, the backyard, and the squares.

Bottom: Peripheries: community activities. Along the edges are public programs such as a community garden, exercise facilities, and picnic tables. It is vital that people who live near here use the space and make it feel alive.

dining tables and art programs while waiting for food...

To engage the community before, during, and after the construction.

INVENTORY SYSTEM Individual A

WS 1: Learning From Community

would like to interact and develop gn scheme with mapping of the ds and potentials of communities in tral Islip.

We would like to interact and develop design schemes with mapping of the needs and potentials of communities in Central Islip. Individual B

NING CONSTRUCTION

LIZING / OWNING

The Art Center

WORKSHOPS

ANING FROM COMMUNITY

would like to share some struction process with community ple such as kids and groups.

135

Tomatsu Ito, Yuxiang Luo

Inventory System

Workshops

WS 2: Joining Construction (Thanksgiving)

Organization C

We would like to share some construction process with community Three workshops in different phases people such as kids and groups, as well as skilled labor. WS 1: Learning from Community (Survey) Talent Crowd WS 2: Joining Construction (Thanksgiving) Space WS 3: Utilizing/Owning/Customizing Material

Group F

Organization D Individual E

WS 3: Utilizing/Owning/Customizing

would like to share and document the design can be more and more eloped after grand opening.

We would like to share and document how the design can be more and more developed after the grand opening.

Setting a schedule for the Grand Opening SCHEDULE &"420 !&2#"#25+" $4 2*

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Scale 3: Larger neighborhood network. Larger framework for community to develop the Art Center as their own.

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Workshop

así que...

... so what’s your idea?

¿cuál es tu idea?

Come to 63 Carleton Ave, Central Islip

Ven a 63 Carleton Ave, Central Islip

Saturday, Nov 29, 2014

Sábado, Nov 29, 2014

This is/Esta es

I wanna / Quiero

a jugar y a imaginar el nuevo espacio para tu Centro de Arte!

to play and imagine the new space for your Art Center!

El Teatro Experimental Yerbabruja está construyendo un nuevo Centro de Arte para la comunidad, gran apertura el 12 de Diciembre, 2014.

Teatro Experimental Yerbabruja is building a new Art Center for the community, scheduled grand opening on Dec 12, 2014.

SHOPPING LIST

PANEL PLACEMENT & CUTTING GUIDE

All items can be found at Home Depot.

Produced by Tamotsu Ito+Yuxiang Luo Harvard University

Prior to Friday Nov 28, only wood and lumber will be purchased. Paint and other miscellaneous items can be purchased on Nov 28 with Margarita. Sande Plywood (3/4 in. x 4 ft. x 8 ft)

Unit Price: $44.98 per piece Number of pieces: 3 Total Price: $134.94 Link: http://www.homedepot.com/p/Unbranded-Sande-Plywood-Common-3-4-in-x-4-ft-x-8-ft-Actual-0-709-inx-48-in-x-96-in-454559/100037820

Sande Plywood (1/2 in. x 4 ft. x 8 ft)

Unit Price: $34.95 per piece Number of pieces: 15 Total Price: $524.25 Link: http://www.homedepot.com/p/Unbranded-Sande-Plywood-Common-1-2-in-x-4-ft-x-8-ft-Actual-0-472-inx-48-in-x-96-in-454532/100017950

Goal for Nov 29: 4 Longer Tables

Goal for Nov 29: 6 Shorter Tables

Goal for Nov 29: 24 Chairs

Birch Plywood (7/32 in. x 4 ft. x 8 ft) Unit Price: $11.97 Number of pieces: 3 Total Price: $35.82 Link: http://www.homedepot.com/p/Unbranded-Underlayment-Common-7-32-in-x-4-ft-x-8-ft-Actual-0-196-inx-48-in-x-96-in-431178/203183010

Goal for Nov 29: 24 Stools

SUMMARY: Number of Each Panel

1x3 Lumber Unit Price: $1.67 Number of pieces: 13 Total Price: $20.04 Link: http://www.homedepot.com/p/Unbranded-Furring-Strip-Board-Common-1-in-x-3-in-x-8-ft-Actual-0-656in-x-2-375-in-x-96-in-164704/100088011

A: B: C: D: E: F: G: H: I: J:

2x4 Lumber Unit Price: $4.19 Number of pieces: 14 Total Price: $58.66 Link: http://www.homedepot.com/p/Unbranded-2-in-x-4-in-x-92-5-8-in-Prime-Kiln-Dried-Heat-TreatedUntreated-SPF-Stud-2049258UPPS/205153617

4 20 6 24 24 48 24 24 48 48

3/4” Plywood (Thickest) 1/2” Plywood (Medim Thickness) 7/32” Plywood (Thinnest)

MATERIAL: Sande Plywood THICKNESS: 1/2” (medium thickness) SHEET #: 2 of 15

Construction Manual NAME: Longer Table PANEL TYPE: A, B LUMBER TYPE: 1x3, 2x4 SCREW TYPE: 1-1/2 in, 2 in

Manual de Construcción

Step 1 of 5

Assembly the main beam and table legs

Use the guide to ensure 90° angle for connection.

Paso 1

de 5 Montaje del marco principal y patas

NOMBRE: Mesa larga TIPO DE PANEL: A, B TIPO DE MADERA: 1x3, 2x4 TIPO DE TORNILLO: 1-1/2 pulg, 2 pulg

Three [2”] screws on each side

Unar una guía para asegurar conexión a 90 °

ATTENTION: Saws blades have thickness (usually the kerf is 1/8”). The following dimensions only denote the ACTUAL measurement for final assembly. Therefore, extra room for blades should be taken into consideration when cutting.

Waste Produced by Tamotsu Ito+Yuxiang Luo Harvard University

Tres tornillos de [2”] en cada lado.

Paso 2 de 5

136

Montaje del marco secundario

B Two [1”-1/2] screws for each connection

Dos tornillos de [1”-1/2] para cada.

Use the guide to make sure that the connection is perpendicular

Usar una guía para asegurar que la conexión es perpendicular.

B 14” 1/16

Drill holes on all panels before pushing screws.

14” 1/16

14” 1/16 14” 1/16 14” 1/16

This is what we prepared and what happened during Thanksgiving in Teatro Yerbabruja (the Art Center) including tags—1/10 models to play with; bilingual posters

Taladrar agujeros en los paneles antes de colocar los tornillos.

14” 1/16 14” 1/16 14” 1/16

for workshop; small parts and jigs; construction documents (shopping lists/cutting guide/manuals); and preparation including experiment in exterior space.

Making Community Art Space Together

Step 2

of 5 Assembly secondary beams B

137

Tomatsu Firstname Ito and Yuxiang Lastname Luo Top to bottom: Tag wall, model workshop, fabrication, and completed furniture.

Lessons 1 Let people discover their own skills and become peer instructors.

09:00

09:30

10:00

10:30

11:00

2 Make it full scale, and build teamwork and relationships.

Task A

Task B

Task C

3 Advertise through construction, yielding pride for participants.

4 Tie new activities into daily life or established programs.

así que...

¿cuál es tu idea? Ven a 63 Carleton Ave, Central Islip

a jugar y a imaginar el nuevo espacio para tu Centro de Arte!

El Teatro Experimental Yerbabruja está construyendo un nuevo Centro de Arte para la comunidad, gran apertura el 12 de Diciembre, 2014.

5 Make the interactive design element both a survey and a billboard.

6 Engage people with your design, both responsively and proactively. Specificity Utility

7 Let people surprise you; leave space for unprogrammed uses.

8 Don’t put people in categories.

In a series of workshops, we learned essential lessons about making participatory design more dynamic and more human in the future:

Abstractness Imagination

Making Community Art Space Together

138

Sábado, Nov 29, 2014

Next Steps

Deck

Mountain

Table

Wall/Roof

Sculpture Garden Salsa!

Making Space Community Garden

Cosmetology

139

Tomatsu Ito and Yuxiang Luo

A Possible Scenario

A framework for the ongoing process of public space realization, proposing proactive kiosks.

Environmental Justice for North Park

Marcus Pulsipher, MLAUD Clients: ERASE Racism Concerned Citizens of North Park

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND

—

ER AS ER acism

“We couldn’t find a raceneutral reason why everyone else received a bulkhead while North Park received rocks to protect its waterfront.”

140

an De e l l i Kam

This project seeks to garner community input and support to generate a unified vision for the North Park neighborhood, a predominantly African-American community in Long Beach that has suffered from segregation, severe flooding, widespread pollution, and general neglect from the city. Environmental Justice for North Park is a project undertaken by Marcus Pulsipher, the nonprofit organization ERASE Racism, and the Concerned Citizens of North Park. The project focuses on the community of North Park, a small neighborhood located within the city of Long Beach. Historically African-American, North Park has a long history of segregation, discrimination, and general neglect by the city. The neighborhood is home to several polluting and unsightly industries including a waste treatment plant, recycling center, power plant, city vehicle storage lot, dog kennel, and city water towers. Pollution from some of these industries has resulted in community-wide health issues. Additionally, North Park is located in one of the lowest points of Long Beach, but is the only part of the city that does not have a constructed bulkhead protecting it from storm surges. Consequently flooding from Supertstorm Sandy was severe, and many houses have still not been repaired by the city. North Park also has an antiquated storm-water system that cannot handle the community’s runoff, resulting in frequent overflows and flooding.

North Park is in dire need of help and its residents need a unified voice to demand change. Environmental Justice for North Park seeks to do just that. Taking advantage of the fact that the city is in the process of updating its master plan, the project seeks to engage residents to identify what key changes they would like to see. To that end, a number of charettes were conducted to solicit community input, which was integrated into a simple, clear vision plan for the community. To facilitate advocacy for the rights and desires identified through the charette process, the vision plan was distilled into a brochure that highlights the challenges faced by the community and items residents desire to see incorporated into the new city master plan. The clients’ hope was that with brochures in hand, residents would be able to attend public meetings and clearly communicate their positions on any planning activity within their neighborhood, ensuring that the North Park of the future will be a neighborhood that works better for the people who live within it.

141

A VISION FOR NORTH PARK

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND

Stormwater capture in resident gardens

“North Park is home to Long Beach’s only African-American community. It’s also home to all of Long Beach’s polluters. It also floods a lot and took the worst hit during Sandy.”

LK Center

eac hM

l sta Cry

e—

142

Lo ng B

k La

8 10

Pedestrian-friendly hospital

New hospital

Low-rise mixed-income housing

Hospital parking structure

High-rise mixed-income housing

Elevated storm barrier and park

Housing parking structure

Green streets

OVERHEARD ON LONG ISLAND “North Park is our home, but it’s like the city doesn’t want us here.”

7 James Hod

5 11

3 12

Elevated storm barrier with recreation

Pedestrian bridge over tracks

Strengthen existing housing

New recreational facilities

Green streets

Existing recreational facilities

Renovated railway station

New marina

143

5 6

rth No ge—

rk R

es id

en t

•

No bulkhead protecting against flooding

•

Lower elevation than the rest of the island

•

Storm-water overflows from antiquated sewer system

•

Overburdened by polluting industries

•

Long Island Railroad bisects the community

•

Limited amounts of open space

What North Park Residents Want •

Build new mixed-income housing

•

Preserve and strengthen existing housing stock

•

Build a new hospital

•

Protect the community with a storm barrier

•

Build a marina

•

Implement a storm-water strategy

•

Provide green roofs

•

Implement a residential parking permit program

•

Designate North Park as an environmental justice community

Environmental Justice for North Park

144

Challenges Facing North Park

145

Stormwater Capture in Resident Gardens

Green Streets

PedestrianFriendly Hospital 8

CHALLENGES FACING NORTH PARK

•

New Hospital

Hospital Parking Structure

Elevated Storm Barrier and Park

•

Preserve & Strengthen Existing Housing: Residents want the existing affordable housing to be repaired from the damage incurred by Hurricane Sandy and better equipped to withstand future storms. Build a Hospital: Since Hurricane Sandy forced the closure of Long Beach’s primary hospital, residents have had to travel long distances for medical care. They would like to have a new hospital built in their community.

•

Protect with a Storm Barrier: Still suffering from the effects of flooding, residents want a bulkhead and storm barrier system that will help prevent future flooding.

•

• 1

Build New Mixed Income Housing: North Park residents desire more affordable and mixed-income housing, 4 1 with a variety of unit types (2, 3 & 4 bedroom units). 8 Residents would like to see both rental and “rent to own” 10 developments. 1

Build a Marina: Taking advantage of the bay is important to residents and bringing a marina into the community would help do that. 4 Low Rise Mixed Income Housing High Rise Mixed Income Housing Implement5a Stormwater Strategy: Figuring out a way to take care of stormwater overflows is a priority for residents. 6 Housing Parking Structure Rain gardens, bioswales and green street strategies will help take care of stomwater while adding beauty to the community.

•

Provide Green Roofs: Residents want green roofs on new buildings to reduce stormwater flows and reduce energy costs.

•

Implement a Residential Parking Permit Program: Commuters use North Park as a commuter parking lot, making parking extremely difficult for North Park residents.

•

Designate North Park as an Environmental Justice Community

•

No Bulkhead: North Park’s lack of a sea wall or bulkhead leaves 5 it extremely vulnerable to storm surge. 11Hurricane Sandy caused 6 extensive damage to the community, much of which still hasn’t been repaired. Low Elevation: The neighborhood sits six feet lower than the ocean side of the island, increasing its flood vulnerability. Stormwater Overflows: An antiquated, gravity-fed stormwater Elevated Storm system drains towards the bay causing it to back up whenwith water Barrier levels are high. Recreation

Pedestrian Overburdened: The community is home to a disproportionate Bridge Over Tracks

•

number of industrial development including a sewage treatment plant, power plant, and a recycling center.

PROTECTING THE COMMUNITY’S INTERESTS

WHAT NORTH PARK RESIDENTS WANT

A VISIONA VISION FOR FOR NORTH PARK NORTH PARK

Marcus Pulsipher

A Tool for Advocacy

Long Beach is currently updating the City of Long Beach Comprehensive Plan and Local Waterfront Revitalization Plan. It is crucial that these plans reflect the needs of people who live in North Park. This brochure, which was created in collaboration with the Concerned Citizens of North Park, ERASE Racism, and the Harvard University Graduate School of Design, presents a vision of North Park by and for North Park residents. Make your voice heard by circulating this brochure and sharing the vision.

Railroad Barrier: The Long Island Railroad station and railyard cut the community in half, forming a hard barrier that cannot be crossed.

•

Limited Open Space: There is a structured recreation field in the community, however, there is very little flexible recreation and open space. 10 Preserve & Strengthen Existing Housing New Recreational Facilities

Green Streets

Existing Arena and Recreational Facilities

Renovated Railway Station

New Marina

Created in collaboration with The Concerned Citizens of North Park, ERASE Racism, and the Harvard University Graduate School of Design. For more information, contact: Runnie Myles (516) 431-6319 | rmyles1@yahoo.com Jaeqetta Odem (516) 432-7647 | nanaodie99@yahoo.com Tom McCall Waterfront Park, Portland, Oregon

146

Contributors

Faculty

Collaborators

Daniel D’Oca Daniel D’Oca is Principal and co-founder of the New York City-based architecture, planning, and research firm Interboro Partners, and Associate Professor in Practice at the Harvard University Graduate School of Design. With Interboro, Daniel has won many awards for Interboro’s portfolio of participatory design projects, including the MoMA PS1 Young Architects Program, the Architectural League’s Emerging Voices Award, and the New Practices Award from the AIA New York Chapter. Most recently, Interboro was one of ten firms selected by the US department of Housing and Urban Development to work on its pioneering “Rebuild by Design” initiative. Interboro’s book The Arsenal of Exclusion & Inclusion is an encyclopedia about accessibility and the built environment that will be published by Actar in early 2016.

Doina Petrescu was born and trained as an architect in Romania and studied philosophy at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris with Jacques Derrida; she completed a PhD in Women’s Studies at the University of Paris VIII. She has taught at the University of Sheffield’s School of Architecture since 2001, having previously taught at the UAIM Bucharest, Iowa State University, EA ParisMalaquais, and the Architectural Association, London. She considers herself a “nomadic subject” in architecture, operating between varied fields of research and practice, places, and cultures. A passionate educator, an academic aware of knowledge politics, an engaged practitioner, and an active citizen, she hopes that other ways of living and creating are possible. Constantin Petcou is a Paris-based architect whose work stresses the intersection between architecture, urbanism, service design, and semiotics. He is cofounder with Doina Petrescu of atelier d’architecture autogérée (aaa), a professional organization that conducts actions and research on participatory urbanism and architecture involving local residents in self-manag-

External Authors Lisa Selin Davis is a design, architecture, and urban issues journalist obsessed with all things pertaining to urban planning. She has written for Time, the New York Times, New York magazine, Qz.com, the Wall Street Journal, Parenting, AARP, and many other publications and has received numerous fellowships. Robert Lane an architect and urban designer, is a senior fellow for urban design at the Regional Plan Association. He directs the regional design program, which is devoted to improving the metropolitan landscape through research and place-based planning and design interventions. His work focuses on the relationship between transit, land use, and urban design and emphasizes public participation and communication through visual techniques. Larry Levy is a lifetime Long Island resident. Currently Executive Dean of Hofstra Universityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s National Center for Suburban Studies, he was

previously Senior Editorial Writer and Chief Political Columnist for Newsday and remains involved in the world of journalism and politics. David Rusk is president of the Metropolitan Area Research Corporation. He combines strong analytical skills with practical political experience. He is a former federal Labor Department official, New Mexico legislator, and mayor of Albuquerque. Now a consultant on urban policy, Rusk has worked in more than 120 US communities. Abroad, and he has lectured on urban problems in Canada, England, Germany, South Africa, and the Netherlands. June Williamson is Associate Professor of Architecture at the City College of New York. An urban designer and registered architect, she has authored design guidelines and consulted on numerous urban planning projects throughout the United States. She has taught at Columbia University, Georgia Institute of Technology, University of Utah, and the Boston Architectural College. She is co-author, with Ellen Dunham-Jones, of Retrofitting Suburbia: Urban Design Solutions for Redesigning Suburbs.

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ing projects in their neighborhoods, engaging in social and ecological practices, and initiating resilient networks (www.urbantactcs.org).

Colophon The Storm, the Strife, and Everyday Life Instructor Daniel D’Oca Report Editors Daniel D’Oca, Irene Figueroa Ortiz, Marcus Pulsipher Report Design Daniel D’Oca, Irene Figueroa Ortiz, Marcus Pulsipher Editorial Support Melissa Vaughn, Travis Dagenais A Harvard University Graduate School of Design Publication Dean and Alexander and Victoria Wiley Professor of Design Mohsen Mostafavi Editor in Chief Jennifer Sigler Publications Coordinator Meghan Sandberg Series design by Laura Grey and Zak Jensen ISBN 978-1-934510-50-6 Copyright © 2016, President and Fellows of Harvard College. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form without prior written permission from the Harvard University Graduate School of Design. Thank You Baldwin Civic Association, Central American, Refugee Center, CoLoKi Freeport Trailer, Community Housing Innovations, ERASE Racism, Friends of Freeport, Friends of Long Island, Greater Bellport Coalition, Greater Uniondale Area Action Coalition, Hagedorn Foundation, Hofstra National Center for Suburban Studies, Long Beach MLK Center. Long Island Community Development Corporation, Long Island Community Foundation, Long Island Housing Partnership, Long Island Progressive Coalition, Long Island Wins, Make the Road New York, Mary Ann Allison, Mastic Beach Property Owners Association, Nassau County DPW, North Fork Hispanic Apostolate, Operation SPLASH, Rauch Foundation/Long Island Index, Renaissance Downtowns, Sustainable Long Island, Teatro Yerbabruja, Village of Patchogue, Village of Riverhead, Vision Long Island, and “Yes We Can” Community Center.

Image Credits All photos were taken by Harvard University faculty and students unless otherwise indicated. Pages 31, 34 (map), 39, 41 (bottom), 42 (bottom), 48, 51, 55, 57 (top), 110: US Census. Pages 40, 44 (top), 37: ERASE Racism. Page 32, top: The State of Metropolitan America. Page 32, bottom: FPI analysis of 2005-07 ACS. Page 33, 43 (bottom), 44 (bottom): Long Island Index. Page 34, bottom: Hagedorn Foundation. Page 36, bottom: Patchogue Patch. Page 41, top: urbanoasis.org. Page 41, bottom, left: New York Times. Page 42, top: Ourstorian. Page 43, top: longisland.com. Page 57, bottom: Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics, 2008. Stanford Center on Longevity. Pages 64–69: Aleix M. Martinez. Page 71: New York State, National Climate Assessment. Page 137: Rebekah Armstrong. The editors have attempted to acknowledge all sources of images used and apologize for any errors or omissions. Harvard University Graduate School of Design 48 Quincy Street Cambridge, MA 02138 publications@gsd.harvard.edu gsd.harvard.edu

Studio Report Fall 2014

Harvard GSD Department of Urban Design and Planning

Students Rebekah Armstrong, Andrew Gipe, Courtney Goode, Allison Green, David Henning, Tamotsu Ito, Yuxiang Luo, Marcus Pulsipher, Wilson Qian, Paloma Garcia Simon, Stephen Sun, Rob Wellburn

ISBN 9781934510506

9 781934 510506 >