Faith in Britain

political party. On that question the jury must remain out. The immediate task is to return the existing parties to their roots. We are a movement, seeking to influence all parties.

There is no doubt that during the 1970s the New Right and the Socialist Left set the agendas for their parties, but as the 1980s proceeded the Social Democrats and the Greens played an increasingly important part in influencing everyone.

Perhaps, if the Movement for Christian Democracy can become as effective as the Social Democrats and Greens, it will be able to influence either one or all of the British parties. I must admit that after twenty-two years as a member of a party, and after eighteen years as an elected representative - twelve of them in Parliament - I am not hopeful.

I can therefore understand why members of the Movement wished to leave all its options open. If it fails in its primary objective those who wished to do so could proceed with the development of a party and an agenda unashamedly based on Judaeo-Christian values ... As in the rest of Europe, its appeal would go way beyond the church-going or even a nominally believing community.

The Movement was right not to close off this option for another very good practical political reason. The political parties are more likely to take notice if they think the Movement might sit up and bite. A cosy circle organising genteel tea parties or London dinners will never be listened to.

After the events of 1990 in Eastern Europe secular commentators would be unwise to write off the possibility of European Christian Democrats causing a minor earthquake. Stalin scornfully mocked the churches, asking how many divisions they had. By 1990 we knew the answer. Before the jury feels any need to deliver a verdict, much more intellectual energy must be committed and maps acquired.

Declarations are one thing. But how might the six principles be worked out in practice?