Harvard chengdu program by Flymanbenz

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Urban Innovation & Future Leadership

Chengdu Program 城市创新与未来领导力成都研究营

Content Foreword

Background

前言

项目背景

Members 团队介绍

Executive Summary

执行摘要

Reports 研究报告

Nudging Behaviour: Better Decision Making for Personal and Prosocial Causes 助推行为：让个人和社会做出更好的决定

关于成都公民社会的讨论：国际案例回顾

Competitiveness and Economic Development Strategy 竞争力与经济发展战略

促进成都社会服务共有责任的四项补充措施

Promoting Chengdu through Integrated Tourism Platform and Branding of “Eco-city” 打造整体旅游平台和“生态城市”品牌，推进成都发展

Four Supplementary Initiatives to Promote Shared Responsibility in the Provision of Chengdu’s Social Services

Local Economic Development and the Boston Metro Area 波士顿市区及当地经济发展

Cultural Capital Development: Learning from Art Basel Miami Beach 从迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展看文化资本的发展

An Argument for Civil Society in Chendu: a Review of International Cases

An Elderly Care System Fit for the Future 面向未来的老年护理体系

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Programs for the Elderly: Models and Ideas for Chengdu 养老计划：为成都量身定做模型和思路

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Epilogue 主办单位结语

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Itinerary 项目历程

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Foreword

前言

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Members Cheng Gao

团队介绍

Ezra Stoller Hannah Weinstock Luke Yarabe

Patrick Boateng II

Neha Dalal

Susan Nguyen

Nicholas Phillips

Yang Qiu

Oliver Hauser

Yiting Liu

Catherine McLaughlin

Yue Liu

Haoqing Wang

Yizhou Xu

Amy Howell Sadie Polen Carlos E. Diaz Rosillo Nicco Mele

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Members

团队介绍

Cheng Gao Email: cgao.email@gmail.com I am currently a doctoral student in strategy at Harvard Business School. My research interests are in business-government relations, non-market strategy, innovation, and economic development. I am particularly interested in how government policy can shape business environments so as to optimize innovation, competitiveness, and socio-economic outcomes. Before graduate school, I was a management concultant at Oliver Wyman (New York office), where I worked on engagements in strategy, operations, and risk management for Fortune 500 and public sector clients, and also served as co-captian of the Harvard recruiting team. Previous to that, I worked in the international affairs sector, where I served as the principal research assistant to a former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of state at a non-partisan Washington policy think tank. I received my undergraduate degree from Harvard College, where I graduated with high honors in economics and was recipient of the Dunster Shield Award.

我现在是哈佛大学商学院战略学的博士生，研究兴趣主要集中于政府与商界的关系、非市场战略、创新和经济发展。我非常关注政府政策如何塑造出一个能够优化创新、竞争力及社会经济产出的商业环境。在我攻读研究生之前，我还在 Oliver Wyman 的纽约办公室担任管理咨询顾问，在这期间，也为世界 500 强企业以及一些公共机构提供战略、运营和风险管理上的建议。同时，我也是哈佛就业办公室的主要负责人。在担任此职务之前，我曾工作于国际事务部门，任前美国华盛顿一个无党派智囊团副助理秘书的主要研究助手。我本科也毕业于哈佛，是经济系的荣誉毕业生并且获得了

Dunster Shield 奖学金。

Members

团队介绍

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Ezra Stoller Email: ezrastoller@college.harvard.edu Hi! I’m Ezra Stoller, a rising junior at Harvard, majoring in Social Studies. Since I was born, my grandma, now 93 years old, has lived with my family in the city of San Francisco. My research interests lie in the ways cities can better care for elderly populations, foster intergenerational living and cooperation, and ultimately make the process of aging as comfortable as possible. From complex challenges such as helping our grandparents understand new technology in rapidly developing cities, to fundamental problems, such as making walking on the street safe for seniors, I want to research existing programs in place, and also pinpoint issues that need more attention. In college, I have enjoyed studying social theory and philosophy through the Social Studies program, and have also taken courses in Computer Science and Electrical Engineering. I spent last summer studying Mandarin at an immersive language program at Beijing Language and Culture University. Back at Harvard, I am a writer for the literary magazine, The Harvard Advocate, and the campus newspaper, The Harvard Crimson. I also perform improvisational comedy with the Immediate Gratification Players, teach English to Chinese-speaking immigrants and have been a research partner at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study.

我叫 Ezra Stoller，即将成为哈佛大学大三的学生，主修社会研究。自出生起，我的外婆（如今已 93 岁）就和我们一起住在三藩市，因此我的研究兴趣在于如何让城市更好的照顾老年人群，培养两代间的生活和合作，最终使人们在老龄化的过程中尽可能地感受到舒适。从一些复杂的挑战，例如帮助我们的外祖父母使用高速发展城市中的新科技，到一些基础性问题，如让老年人在大街上行走时更为安全，我想要适当地去探索研究这些存在的项目，并且突出那些需要更多关注的社会问题。大学期间，我通过社会研究项目学习了社会理论和哲学，也修读了计算机科学课程和电气工程课程。去年夏天，我在北京语言大学参加了一个沉浸式语言项目以学习普通话。在哈佛，我是文学杂志《哈佛提倡者》和校报《哈佛红》的撰稿人。同时，我也和 Immediate Gratification Players 团体一起表演即兴喜剧，为中国移民教授英语，还曾是拉德克里夫高等院研究院的研究伙伴

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Hannah Weinstock Email: hannah_weinstock@hks14.harvard.edu Hannah Weinstock is a Masters in Public Policy student at Harvard Kennedy School, concentrating on Social and Urban Policy. She is particularly interested in policy related to affordable housing, workforce development, and immigrant rights. Her coursework thus far has included quantitative analysis, economics, management, ethics, budgeting, political institutions and urban development. This summer she is working with the SomerStat division of the City of Somerville, examining access to services and engagement in city affairs for Somerville’s immigrant communities, as well as conducting analyses of performance data in order to improve city operations. Before coming to Harvard Kennedy School, she spent seven years as a community organizer, policy advocate, and non-profit manager in New York City. She served as Senior Organizer at La Fuente’s New York Civic Participation Project, Coordinator of Organizing at Queens Community House, and Lead Facilitator at New Settlement Apartments’ Bronx Helpers progam, tackling issues of language access, immigration reform, affordable housing, tenants’ rights, parks, and public education. In addition, Hannah worked as a Spanish interpreter at the Hospital for Special Surgery, completed internships with Service for Peace and Justice in Chile and Taiwan International Workers Association in Taiwan, and speaks fluent Spanish and conversational Mandarin Chinese. Hannah Weinstock 是哈佛大学肯尼迪学院公共政策的硕士生，专业主要聚焦于社会和城市政策研究。她对于设计到经济适用房，劳动力发展和移民权益的政策尤其感兴趣。因此她的研究包括了定量分析，经济学，管理学，伦理学，预算，政策机构以及城市发展这些方面。今年夏季她参与到了 SomerStat 美国萨默维尔市部门的工作中，去考核该市的移民社区中对于城市事务服务的参与渠道，以及开展性能数据的分析来提高城市运作能力。来到哈佛大学肯尼迪学院之前，Hannah 花了 7 年时间成为纽约的社区组织人，政策提倡者和非盈利管理者。她曾是 La Fuente 纽约公民参与项目的高级组织人，女王社区活动中心协调组织人，以及新住宅区布朗克斯公寓帮助项目的领导服务商，处理关于语言学习，移民改革，经济适用房，租户权力，公园和公共教育方面的问题。此外，Hannah 也曾是特种外科医院的西班牙语翻译人员，完成了智利的和平与正义服务项目以及台湾国际工人组织的实习，可以说一口流利的西班牙语和中国普通话日常对话。

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Luke Yarabe Email: lukeyarabe@college.harvard.edu My name is Luke Yarabe. I am a senior at Harvard University studying Political Science. I am very interested in labor studies, education, and foreign cultures, especially those in Asia, and am excited to contribute my leadership and passion for China to the program this summer. My research topic, I think, will center on grassroots innovation in Chengdu. I live in Lincoln, Nebraska with my twin brother, little brother, and little sister. My mother is from Malaysia but her father's family is from the Shantou. Guangdong area. I have visited Shantou twice in the past two years to meet my family there and see how they live their lives. My father is from the Ivory Coast. The first time I heard about Sichuan province was when the earthquake happened in 2008. Then last year, I read a book about Chongqing called Daughter of the River by Hong Ying. I recommend her books! Finally, to learn more about Chendu this summer, I checked out a book at one of Harvard's libraries called Leave Me Alone by Murong Xuecun. Both books were great because they taught me a little about the history of the area as well as the daily lives of ordinary people in current times. This program is very important to me because it allows me to give back to a country that I’ve grown up with through college. I’ve lived and worked as an intern in Changsha, Shantou, and Guangzhou so far and honored to add Chengdu to the list as well! I am really looking forward to meeting you all and making new friends. See you soon!

我的名字叫 Luke Yarabe，是一名在哈佛大学学习政治科学的大四学生。我对劳动研究、教育、外国文化尤其是与亚洲相关的非常感兴趣，所以我很期待能在今年夏天为成都这个项目贡献自己的领导力以及热情。我的研究主题会集中在成都基础创新这一块。我从小与我的孪生哥哥，弟弟，妹妹住在内布拉斯加州的林肯，我的母亲来自马来西亚，但我的祖父一家是广东汕头人。在过去的两年里我去过汕头两次，拜访那里的亲人并观察他们的生活，而我的父亲来自象牙海岸。我第一次听说四川，是 2008 年汶川地震发生的时候。去年，我读了一本由虹影所著关于重庆的《饥饿的女儿》，我非常推荐她的书！最后，为了今年夏天之前更加了解程度，我在哈佛图书馆借了一本由慕容雪村所著的《成都，今夜请加我遗忘》。两本书都非常好，因为它们让我知道了一些关于成都的历史以及那里现代人日常生活的信息。这次项目对我来说非常重要，因为它让我能够回报大学期间与我共同成长的国家。迄今为止，我在长沙、汕头、以及广州生活和工作过，很荣幸将要把成都列入其中！我很期待见到你们并且结交新的朋友。我们八月成都见！

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Neha Dalal Email: nehadalal@college.harvard.edu Neha Dalal is a sophomore at Harvard College in Cambridge, Massachusetts, where she primarily studies applied math, economics, and government. She is especially interested in economic public policy, national security, and international relations. Currently, Neha is conducting research on quantitative education policy with Harvard Professor Raj Chetty, recipient of the prestigious Clark Medal in economics. Previously, she interned in the office of US Senator John Kerry-now Secretary of State--and worked closely with Ms. Karen Hughes, former US Undersecretary of Public Diplomacy, and Ms. Nina Easton, senior editor of Fortune Magazine and co-chair of the Most Powerful Women Summit. At Harvard, Neha directs the International Relations Council Social Impact Board; serves on the Institute of Politics Forum Committee, which organizes events with quests such as heads of state; is an interviews associate with the Harvard International Review; is an editor for the Harvard Crimson; and hones her ninja skills through Taekwondo. Neha previously represented over 10,000 youth invested in social service through Key Club International and remains involved in social service, particularly youth activism and education. She has lived in five different states and loves to travel internatinally--she has been fortunate enough to have spent the last two months in an immersive Chinese culture and language program in the amazing Chengdu. Over the course of the next year, she will be involved in organizing Harvard Model United Nations and Model Congress conferences in Shanghai and Dubai. Neha Dalal 是哈佛大学的大二学生，主要研究应用数学，经济学和政治。她对经济公共政策、国家安全以及国际关系非常感兴趣。目前，Neha 正和具有名望的克拉克经济学奖章获得者、哈佛教授 Raj Chetty 一起进行对教育政策的定量研究。在此之前，她在美国参议员约翰·克里——现任国务卿的办公室里实习过，与前美国副国务卿卡伦·休斯女士在公共外交方面有着密切的工作联系，并且与《财富》杂志资深编辑妮娜伊斯顿女士共同主办最具有权势女性峰会。在哈佛，Neha 指导过国际关系理事会社会影响董事会，服务于政治研究所论坛委员会，组织其活动并邀请诸如州长等来宾；她也是一个与哈佛国际审查相关的面试人员；同时也是《哈佛红》的编辑；并通过跆拳道磨砺自己的武术技能。Neha 曾通过国际钥匙俱乐部代表超过 10000 名青年投身于社会服务中，现在仍然参与社会服务，特别是青年运动和教育。她曾在美国五个不同的州居住过，也非常喜爱国际旅行 - 她非常庆幸过去的两个月能在美好的成都市感受中国文化以及语言课程。在接下来的一年里，她将在迪拜参与并组织哈佛模拟联合国以及模拟国会会议。

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Nicholas Phillips Email: nphillips@college.harvard.edu I am a rising sophomore at Harvard, where I will concentrate in Social Studies, which is an interdisciplinary program that includes elements of sociology, psychology, and anthropology, as well as government, economics, and pholosophy. The central theme of my study is an interest in human behavior and the ways that people interact with each other, whether in economic markets or in social settings. I also row for the lightweight crew, and write for editorial section of the student newspaper, the Harvard Crimson. In my free time I enjoy reading novels, hiking trails in New England, and eating granola. My current research interest is focused around behavioral economics–a relatively new field that applies psychological principles to economic studies of the market. Human behavior frequently deviates from the rational decisions assumed by classical economic theory; behavioral economics can explain, and even predict, many seemingly irrational choices. The expanding urban developments in Chengdu and throughout China are a fascinating place to appy the principles of behavioral economics. I am excited to think creatively about the many ways in which behavioral economics can help us address urban problems and make better plans for further urbanization.

作为一名哈佛大学二年级的学生，我将致力于这个跨学科的社会研究项目，其中包括社会学、心理学、人类学、以及政府、经济和哲学。我研究的中心主题是在经济市场或者社会背景下人类行为、人们互相交流的方式。同时我还是轻量级的赛艇选手，并主笔《哈佛红》学生报纸的社论部分。闲暇之时，我喜欢阅读、在新英格兰徒步旅行、以及吃麦片。目前我的研究兴趣主要集中在行为经济学 – 这是一个相对较新的领域，运用心理学原理来研究市场经济。由古典经济理论的假设，人类行为常常偏离理性决策，行为经济学可以解释，甚至预测许多看似非理性的选择。成都的城市发展和整个中国都是一个令人向往的，能够运用行为经济学的原则之地。我很期待能够创造性地思考出许多行为经济学可以帮助我们解决城市问题以及为进一步的城市化提出更好计划的方法。

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Oliver Hauser Email: ohauser@fas.harvaard.edu Website: http://about.me/oliverhauser As a Ph.D. student at Harvard, I investigate how and why people cooperate - in other words, why do we help each other? A very enjoyable aspect of my work is its interdisciplinary nature: I study cooperation in behavioral experiments as well as through the lens of mathematics, whereby I get to work with outstanding colleagures across Harvard’s graduate, business and public policy schools. My academic home is the Program for Evolutionary Dynamics, run by my doctoral advisor Professor Martin Nowak. In addition to research, I also enjoy the challenge of participating in student bodies and organizations. For instance, I sat on the Austrian national general board of AFS Intercultural Programs, was a national student representative, founded the first student organization at Harvard’s engineering school, and served as a Dudley Fellow. Currently, I sit on the Board of Directors of the Harvard/MIT COOP and advise undergraduate students as a non-resident tutor at Eliot House.

作为就读于哈佛大学的一名博士生，我致力于研究人们为何及如何去和他人合作——换言之，我们为什么要互相帮助？这项工作中令我最为愉悦的一方面就是它跨学科的特性：通过行为实验及数学视角来研究人类合作，并凭借这种方法和来自哈佛研究生院，商学院及公共政策学院的杰出同事一起工作。我的学术研究主要基于进化动力学项目，该项目由我的博士生导师 Martin Nowak 教授主持。除了研究工作，我同样享受参与到学生群体及组织中所带来的挑战。例如我是 AFS 文化交流项目奥地利国家委员会的一员，国家学生代表，并成立了哈佛机械学院的第一个学生组织，担任 Dudley 研究院。现在，我是哈佛及麻省理工 COOP 董事会成员，同时也在 Eliot 宿舍楼为本科生做辅导咨询工作。

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Patrick Boateng II Email: patrick.boateng@gmail.com Patrick Boateng is a Master in Urban Planning candidate at the Harvard Graduate School of Design. He is originally from Washington, D.C. He focuses on environmental planning, incorporating aspects of social policy, engineering, and design into his work. He previously studied at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government. His previous work experiences range from diplomacy and international affairs to men’s fashion design. Patrick is also Editor-in-Chief of the Harvard Journal of African American Public Policy. Patrick is interested in researching and learning about how small-scale interventions can improve the overall quality of life for residents of large urban as well as small rural areas. These interventions can be interpersonal or physical (objects and environments). He is also interested in studying the ambient effect of urban design elements (especially public sector-related structures and landscapes) on people. Patrick is excited to learn from this experience and hopes to develop applicable knoledge on these types of issues in the future. In his spare time, Patrick enjoys watching and playing soccer, traveling, and generally engaging in creative activities. He wishes he had more time to DJ, which is something he enjoyed during college. Patrick Boateng 是哈佛大学设计学院城市规划的硕士研究生。他来自华盛顿特区，研究方向集中于环境规划、社会政策、工程学以及设计的结合方面。在此之前，他在哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院学习。他的工作经历范围广阔，上至外交及国际事务，下至男士时尚设计工作。他还是哈佛期刊非裔美国人公共政策的主编。 Patrick 对于小范围干预如何提高大都市和小山村居民整体范围的生活质量的调查及研究兴趣浓厚，这些干预可以是人际间的，也可以是通过物理方式的（利用各物体和环境）。他也致力于研究都市规划涉及因素（尤其是公共领域相关的结构和景观）对公民的周围影响。他迫切的想要从这种经历中学习并希望未来在该类事物中锻炼出相应的知识技能。在空闲时间，Patrick 喜欢观看和踢英式足球、旅游、参与到各类创造性活动中。同时，他希望能有更多时间玩 DJ，这也是他大学期间十分喜欢的。

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Susan Nguyen Email: snguye1@gsd.harvard.edu Originally for San Jose, California, Susan is currently pursuing a Masters in Urban Planning degree at the Graduate School of Design. Her undergraduate degree is in the History of Art+Architecture with a secondary in Economics from Harvard University. After college, Susan worked for two and a half years in Oakland, California at TransForm, a not for profit transportation concultancy. While at Transform she worked on the TravelChoice pilot project, the Bus Rapid Transit organizing campaign, the Great Communities Collaborative, and the Bay Area CarFree Challenge. In the summer of 2011, she was a participant of the VietFellows program studying the health and environmental side effects of Agent Orange and Dioxin in central and southern Vietnam. This summer, Susan is working in Baltimore, Maryland for Enterprise Homes, the development arm of Enterprise Community Partners. She is interested in the politics of participation and the interdependence of real estate and city making in developing world cities. During her free time, you will find Susan eating, grilling, making chocolates, entertaining, picking up odd DIY projects + traveling.

Susan 来自加利福尼亚州圣何塞市，现正在哈佛设计学院攻读城市规划硕士学位。她本科在哈佛修读的是文化与建筑史，同时也修读了经济学的第二专业。本科毕业后，Susan 在一所名为 TransForm 的非营利性咨询公司工作了两年半的时间，期间参与了“旅行选择试验性项目”“巴士快运组织比赛”“社区合作项目”以及：海湾地区无车挑战“。 2011 年夏天，她参加了”越南研究员“活动，主要研究橙剂和二恶英对越南中南部地区环境和人体健康的影响。今年夏天，她在巴尔的摩的”企业之家“工作。她对发展中国家城市里的政治参与和房产与城市建设的相互依赖性非常有兴趣。课余时间里， Susan 喜欢吃烤肉、做巧克力、DIY 以及旅行。

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Yang Qiu Email: yqiu@mail.harvard.edu Yang Qiu is currently a doctoral candidate in the Department of Environmental Health at Harvard School of Public Health. Her academic study focuses on sustainable development and urban health. Some of her primary research interests include global environmental sustainability, green and healthy housing, air pollution control, exposure assessment, risk analysis, housing policy and health econimics. Yang has worked with the US federal government on multi-city housing projects and has been part of on-going urban residential studies both in the U.S. and in China. Prior to her doctoral degree, Yang received her Master of Science degree from the Department of Global Health and Population at Harvard School of Public Health. She graduated cum laude and Phi Beta Kappa from Wellesley College. Aside from her academic pursuit, Yang volunteers her to time for projects and organizations that aim at improving the quality of living. Over the years, she has worked on various international projects in urban environment and global health, including a decade-long eye care project in central China. Yang currently serves as the youngest member on the Board of Directors for Wellesley College Alumnae Association and Women’s Eye Health from Harvard’s Schepen’s Eye Institute. During the academic year, she also serves as a graduate adviser to Harvard Global Health Review.

Yang 是哈佛大学公共卫生学院环境健康专业的博士生，主要研究可持续发展和城市健康。她的学术兴趣包括全球环境的可持续发展、绿色生态住房、空气污染控制、暴露评估、风险分析、住房政策和卫生经济学。Yang 曾和美国联邦政府就多城市住房项目一起合作过，并参与了中美正在进行的都市居住研究项目。在就读博士生之前，Yang 于哈佛公共卫生学院全球卫生专业取得了科学硕士学位，并且以优等生及优等生协会成员的身份毕业于 Wellesley 学院。学术之外，Yang 投身于哪些致力于提高生活质量的项目组织志愿工作中。几年来，她已经为各类关于都市环境及全球卫生的国际项目工作过，包括中国一个为期十年的爱眼计划。目前，Yang 是 Wellesley 学院校友组织董事会及哈佛 Schepen 眼科机构女性眼部健康科最年轻的成员，同时也在学校担任哈佛全球健康评论的研究生顾问。

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Yiting Liu Email: liuyiting0318@gmail.com I’ve received my BA from Shanghai Jiao Tong University this July and is now planning to continue my study in Media and Communication in LSE. I regard Chengdu program as a golden chance for me to know more about city development in China from a more diverse and international perspective. My research interest mainly lies in media diversity, such as the combination of new media and 3D application, a state-level project I condected in my junior and senior year. I was also elected as an exchange student to study in National University of Singapore for one semester in 2012 and honored Chinese University Study Award and Tyco International Scholarship. Since I grew up in a traditional Chinese family, I wam a Chinese culture advocate. I get acquainted with Chinese literature, painting and calligraphy from my early age. Now I am quite obsessed by Zhouyi and Tea Culture.

我于今年七月从上海交通大学毕业，将赴伦敦政治经济学院传媒系深造。这次城市创新与未来创造力成都研究营活动是一次难得的机会，让我可以从一个更为多元且国际的角度去深入了解中国的城市发展状况。我的研究兴趣主要集中在传媒多元性，列入新媒体与 3D 应用结合的可能性，这也是我在大三大四期间主导研究的一个国家级 PRP 项目。大三期间我被选为新加坡国立大学的交换生，同时也获得了中国大学研究奖学金和泰科国际奖学金。成长与传统中国家庭的我是一位地道的中华文化提倡者，所以我从小就开始了解中国文学、绘画和书法的艺术，目前我正沉浸于周易和茶文化的魅力之中。

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Yue Liu Email: 2013liuyue@gmail.com I have graduated from Xi'an Jiao Tong-Liverpool University and will pursue my master degree in Kings College London. My research interestes are in finance, art and cultural settings. Before the graduate college, I was an intern as an assistant trade credit manager of international business department in industrail and commercial bank of China. Meanwhile, I assisted to translate documents into English and communicated with clients oversea at Shanghai Classics Publishing House. Thus, I am particularly interested in this Urban Innovation and Future Leadership Chengdu program which presents a good fusion of culture, business and leadership. I believe it will be a memorial activity before my graduate study.

我毕业于西交利物浦大学，即将在伦敦大学国王学院继续硕士学习。我的研究兴趣主要在于金融，艺术及文化环境等领域。我曾在中国工商银行国际业务部门做贸易信贷经理助理的实习工作。同时，也在上海古籍出版社帮助进行文件英文翻译及海外客户交流。因此我十分乐于参加此次城市创新与未来领导力的成都研究项目，该项目为我提供了一个融合文化商业与领导力的平台，我相信这会是我研究生学习之前最为值得纪念的一次活动。

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Yizhou Xu Email: 287101580@qq.com I was born and bred in Chengdu, graduating from Chengdu Experimental Foreign Language School, and will pursue my master degree in LSE. I'm quite enthusiastic about city innovation activities, thus, I participated in Intelligent City Exhibition Project of Jing'an Museum, taking charge of field study and data processing. Besides, with my interest in youth events, I attended the 7th Boston Model United Nations Conference, and have been a volunteer for Harvard Summit for Young Leaders in China (HSYLC) for 3 successive years. The Urban Innovation and Future Leadership Chengdu Program makes a perfect combination of both my interests, with my hometown appealing to me for a fantastic memorial reseach trip before my departure for London. I'm really looking forward to all the great names in this program and a better reunderstanding of Chengdu.

我从小出生并成长在成都，毕业于成都实验外国语学校，如今将要前往伦敦政治经济学院继续攻读硕士学位。我对城市创新活动十分感兴趣，曾参加了”智慧城市，魅力静安“主题展项目，并主要负责实地调查和数据处理等工作。此外，出于对青年活动的热衷，我参加了第七届波士顿模拟联合国大会，同时也是哈佛大学中美学生领袖峰会连续三年的志愿者。城市创新与未来领导力成都研究营项目将我的兴趣完美地结合了起来，这也将是我奔赴伦敦学习之前在家乡最为难忘的一次研究经历。我十分期待能够在本次活动中与各位杰出师生合作，并能重新认识心目中的成都。

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Catherine McLaughlin Email: catherine_mclaughlin@harvard.edu Catherine McLaughlin has served as the Executive Director of the Institute of Politics (IOP) since 1994. McLaughlin served as the Director of Alumni Affairs and the Coordinator of the Press and Public Liaison Office at the John F. Kennedy School of Government from 1986 - 1989. She left the Kennedy School of Government from the Tour Manager for a nationally known band, New Kids on the Block, traveling extensively in the US and across Europe, Asia, South America and Australia. Over the years, Ms. McLaughin has worked on several presidential campaigns including the Vice President Mondale’s campaign in 1984 and the Gov. Dukakis’ campaign in 1988. Ms. McLaughlin also served as an advance person during the Clinton administration.

Catherine McLaughlin 自 1994 年以来担任肯尼迪学院政治研究所执行主任一职。1986-1989 年期间，McLaughlin 任哈佛大学肯尼迪学院校友事务部主任和公共媒体联络处负责人。她于 1989 年离开肯尼迪学院，成为美国国内知名组合新街边男孩的巡演经理，带领团队在美国，欧洲，亚洲，南美和澳洲进行了广泛的演出。多年以来，McLaughin 女士已为几届总统竞选团队工作过，包括 1984 年副总统蒙代尔和 1988 年政府官员杜卡基斯的竞选活动。McLaughin 女士还曾是克林顿政府的先遣人员。

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Haoqing Wang Email: shpearlwang@gmail.com Dr. Pearl Haoqing Wang has over ten years experiences in media and creative communication industry and joined Shanghai Jiao Tong University in 2007 as both Deputy Director of Global Communication Research Institute and Associate Professor at the School of Media and Design. After acting as Creative Director and spokesperson for Shanghai Pavilion during the 2010 World Expo, Dr. Wang launched the Center for City Creativity and Communication (3C Center) in Shanghai Jiao Tong University, aiming to support China’s urban innovation in context of globalization working closely with city governments and industrial innovators. In Shanghai 3C Center opened “Smarter City Citizen Lab” engaging communities in development of Smarter Shanghai. Internationally, 3C Center has kept contributing to intercultural communication in fields of communicatino studies, Entrepreneurship and city culture. For example, in 2012 the center successfully hosted the Seminar Innovation and Entrepreneurship in Shanghai in Sloan School of Management of MIT. As a current Ash Center fellow of Harvard Kennedy School, the 3C Center initiated “Urban Innovation and Future Leadership Chengdu Program” as one of co sponsors.

王昊青博士，曾是资深媒体和创意传播管理者，现为上海交通大学全球传播研究院副院长、媒体与设计学院副教授。2010 年上海世博会期间，王昊青博士担任上海馆创意总监和新闻发言人工作。同年，创立了上海交通大学“城市创造力与传播研究促进中心”（3C 中心），并担任主任。中心以助力中国城镇创新和国际化发展为宗旨，主要提供城镇文化规划、智慧城镇建设以及城市（城镇）传播等领域的智力服务。中心在上海创建了 “智慧城市市民实验室”，并协助相关政府部门展开智慧城市环境中的互联网以及城市（城镇）品牌新媒体传播研究。同时，中心还努力促进城市创新、创业和城市文化研究领域的国际交流。2012 年，在麻省理工学院斯隆商学院成功举办“创新创业在上海”的创业家交流大会。作为哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院的访问研究员，王昊青博士带领中心发起“城镇创新和未来领导力成都研究营”项目，和哈佛师生共同展开面向全球的城市（城镇）创新研究。

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Amy Howell Email: Amy_Howell@hks.harvard.edu Amy Howell joined the IOP in August 2005. A New Hampshire native, Amy earned her BA from the University of California, Berkeley. After graduating, Amy returned to her home state to work on the Jeanne Shaheen for Senate campaign, serving as the national travel and fundraising coordinator. Following the campaign, Amy went to Washington, DC, to work for EMILY’s List as the Major Gifts Coordinator. Since April of 2007, Amy has coordinated the IOP’s Director’s Internship Program, the IOP Stipend Program, Research Assistantships with the Kennedy School of Government, IOP HKS Campaign Stipends, and the IOP Summer in Washington Program. Amy resides with her children, Kathryn and Huntting, and her husband, Carson, at Thayer Academy in Braintree. MA.

Amy Howell 于 2005 年 8 月加入肯尼迪学院政治研究所。作为一名土生土长的新罕布什尔人，Amy 在加州大学伯克利分校取得了她的文学学士学位。毕业后她回到故乡为 Jeanne Shaheen 的参议院竞选团队工作，负责各州巡游及筹款协调。竞选活动之后，Amy 去了华盛顿特区为艾米丽名单工作，职位是巨额捐款协调员。自 2007 年 4 月起，Amy 负责协调政治研究所主任实习项目，政治研究所津贴项目，肯尼迪学院研究生助教奖学金研究，政治研究所夏季毕业班论文研究资助金，政府 2.0 补助金，肯尼迪学院政治研究所活动津贴以及政治研究所华盛顿夏季项目。目前 Amy 和她的老公和孩子一起住在马萨诸塞州的布雷英特利。

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Sadie Polen Email: sbpolen@fas.harvard.edu Sadie Polen is Assistant to the Directors at the Center for European Studies. She received her BS from the University of California, Davis and spent the final 6 months of her undergraduate career studying abroad at the University of Ghana. Her degree in Community and Regional Development facilitated a diverse field of study, ranging from farm-to-school programs in California to reproductive health knowledge in Ghana. Since graduating she has traveled extensively while continuing her involvement with community related projects. At the Center, another place with an extensive breadth of activities and interests, she works with graduate and undergraduate students, affiliates, visiting scholars, faculty and special visitors.

Sadie Polen 是哈佛大学欧洲研究中心的主任助理，她于加州大学戴维斯分校取得理学学士学位，并且利用本科阶段的最后半年在加纳大学进行海外实习。由于她的学位专注于社区及地区发展，使得很多领域的研究变得更为轻松，包括从加州的农场到学校项目再到加纳的生殖健康知识。毕业以来，她一边继续社区相关项目的研究，一边广泛的旅游考察。欧洲研究中心是另一个有着广泛的活动并包含众多兴趣点的地方，因此 Sadie Polen 得以和研究生，本科生，附属企业，访问学者，教职员及特殊访客一起进行工作

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Carlos E. Diaz Rosillo Email: cdiaz@fas.harvard.edu Carlos E. Diaz Rosillo is Allston Burr Resident Dean of Dunster House and Lecturer on Government. His research focuses on the American presidency, public policy, and comparative chief executive politics. His work examines have at their disposal to affect policy. He has extensive teaching experience in the Department of Government, where he received his Ph.D. As in previous years, he is teaching a popular research seminar on chief executive politics in the Fall: Presidents, Governors, and Mayors: Chief Executive Power in Comparative Perspective, and a lecture course in the Spring: Presidential Power in the United States. He holds undergraduate degrees summa cum laude in International Relations (BA) and Civil Engineering (BSCE) from Tufts University, as well as graduate degrees in Public Policy (MPP) and Government (AM, Ph.D.) from Harvard University.

Carlos E. Diaz Rosillo 是哈佛大学奥尔斯顿伯尔学院常驻院长，政治学课程讲师。他的研究主要集中于美国总统学，公共政策和行政官员比较政治学领域。他的工作负责研究行政官员可支配的不同权力对政策的影响，同时，他在政治学院积累了广泛的教学经验。过去几年中，他教授过秋季学期非常受欢迎的行政官员政策调查研讨课：总统、州长、市长，从比较视角看行政长官的权力，以及春季学期的一个讲座类课程：美国的总统权力。他是塔夫茨大学国际关系学及土木工程学的最高荣誉本科毕业生，之后于哈佛大学获得了公共政策的硕士学位和政治学的博士学位。

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Nicco Mele Email: Nicco_Mele@hks.harvard.edu Nicco Mele, Adjunct Lecturer in Public Policy, is a leading expert in the integration of social media and Web 2.0 with politics, business, and communications. As the internet operations director for Governor Howard Dean’s 2004 presidential race, Nicco and the campaign team pioneered the use of technology and social media that revolutionized political fundraising and American politics. Later that year, Nicco founded EchoDitto, a leading internet strategy consulting company. Through EchoDitto, Nicco has consulted with leading political campaigns, Fortune 500 companies, and nonprofit groups. Nicco also co-founded GeniusRocket.com, which used the internet to change the advertising concept by soliciting creative online in an open and collaborative process. He also launched ProxyDemocracy.com, an onlline resource for proxy voting and shareholder resolutions. Named in 2003 by EsquireMagazine as one of America’s “best and brightest,” Nicco was born in West Africa to goreign service parents. He spent his early years overseas in Asia and Africa before graduating from high school in Malaysia and from the College of William and Mary in Virginia. Nicco’s wife, Morra Aarons, is also a weill-known internet entrepreneur and blogger.

Nicco Mele 是哈佛大学公共政策课程的客座讲师，也是社会媒体、 Web2.0、政治、商业和通信领域的权威专家。未作霍华德·迪恩州长 2004 年总统竞选的互联网业务主管，Nicco Mele 与竞选团队率先使用互联网技术和社交媒体来改革政治筹款和美国政治。那年之后，他创建了 Nicco EchoDitt，一个领先的互联网战略咨询公司。通过 EchoDitt，Nicco Mele 为领先的政治运动，财富 500 强公司，和非赢利性组织做过咨询。同时， Nicco Mele 还与他人联合创立了 GeniusRocket.com，一个通过互联网改变广告概念并在网上征集创意的开放合作平台。Nicco Mele 还推出了一个在线资源代理投票和股东决议的 ProxyDemocracy.com 网站，并于 2003 年被时尚先生杂志命名为美国“最好和最聪明的”人之一。Nicco Mele 出生在西非对外服务的家庭，在从马来西亚的一所高中以及弗吉尼亚州的威廉玛丽学院毕业之前，Nicco Mele 多数时间都生活在亚洲和非洲。Nicco Mele 的妻子，Morra Aarons，也是一位知名的互联网企业家和博主。

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Reports

研究报告

Nudging Behaviour: Better Decision Making for Personal and Prosocial Causes 助推行为：让个人和社会做出更好的决定

Competitiveness and Economic Development Strategy 竞争力与经济发展战略

Cultural Capital Development: Learning from Art Basel Miami Beach 从迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展看文化资本的发展

Four Supplementary Initiatives to Promote Shared Responsibility in the Provision of Chengdu’s Social Services 促进成都社会服务共有责任的四项补充措施

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An Argument for Civil Society in Chendu: a Review of International Cases 关于成都公民社会的讨论：国际案例回顾

Local Economic Development and the Boston Metro Area 波士顿市区及当地经济发展

Promoting Chengdu through Integrated Tourism Platform and Branding of “Eco-city” 打造整体旅游平台和“生态城市”品牌，推进成都发展

An Elderly Care System Fit for the Future 面向未来的老年护理体系

112

Programs for the Elderly: Models and Ideas for Chengdu 养老计划：为成都量身定做模型和思路

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Nudging Behaviour: Better Decision Making for Personal and Prosocial Causes 助推行为：让个人和社会做出更好的决定 Oliver P. Hauser, Harvard University

·Behavioural insights & nudges Right before entering office, the newly elected British Prime Minister David Cameron read an intriguing book. Nudge, written by economists Richard Thaler of Chicago University and Cass Sunstein of Harvard University, sets out to describe how behavioural economics can be used to design public policy1. The premise – that a ‘nudge’ policy could help citizens behave in ways that they would do if they were ‘better-disciplined and better-informed’ 2 – immediately caught the Prime Minister’s attention. And in 2010, Cameron set up the world’s first Behavioural Insights Team (BIT), directly within the Cabinet Office.

行为洞察和助推就在正式入职之前，新被选出的英国首相戴维·卡梅伦读了一本很有趣的书《助推》，是由芝加哥大学经济学家理查德·塞勒和哈佛大学经济学家卡斯·桑斯坦一起编著的，书中描述了人们如何用行为经济来策划公共政策。前提 --- 如果人们受过良好的教育且具有较好的自制能力，“助推”政策可以帮助他们按照自己的意愿去行动 --这一点瞬间吸引了首相的注意。2010 年，卡梅伦成立了世界上第一个行为洞察组，直接成立于内阁办公室。

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The BIT, informally often referred to as the ‘nudge’ unit, has since then applied a scientific methodology to designing public policy. A nudge does not force people to any action, but rather, it helps and encourages them to make decisions that they would want, in an ideal world, to make for their own benefit or the benefit of others around them. For instance, many people file their taxes late, save too little for retirement, or create excuses not to participate in charitable or prosocial acts despite their better judgement. As a result of this, they don’t just harm themselves or their friends or families, but they also cost the state a substantial amount of money. This chapter sets out to describe how ‘nudges’ have been successfully used in many cities to improve the lives of millions of citizens. Many examples discussed in this chapter were successfully tested in cities in the United Kingdom and in the United States. Case studies have been chosen so that they reflect the wealth of potential changes that can be made to improve citizens’ decision-making and to save the state or city money. All of these cases share one common feature: the nudges are extremely cost-effective, and they have had a great impact on individuals and the municipal.

Much of the work that the BIT and behavioural economists do is more than just implementation: their approach to policy-making is a science, based on the sound principles of economics, psychology and statistics3. Before policies are implemented city-, county-, or nationwide, they are tested and adapted in so-called ‘Randomised Controlled Trials’. Although this approach is crucially important to a successful new policy, this chapter focuses primarily on the practicalities and the achievements of these trialled policies. To take full advantage of the benefits of any policies mentioned here though, I would therefore recommend reading the BIT’s whitepaper ‘Test, Learn, Adapt: Developing Public Policy with Randomised Controlled Trials’.

行为洞察组通常被称为‘助推’ 分队，运用了一种科学的方法来策划公共政策。助推从不强迫人们去采取任何行动，但它帮助或鼓励人们，在一个理想的世界，为自己的利益或身边人的利益，遵从自己的愿望而做决定。例如，很多人纳税滞后，交养老金太少，找许多借口不参加慈善或亲社会活动，尽管他们有不错的判断力。这样一来，他们不仅仅伤害了他们自己，朋友或家人，而且他们还花费了国家一大笔钱。本章节开始阐述‘助推’是如何成功运用于许多城市，提高数百万市民的生活水平的。本章节的许多例子在英国和美国已经成功得到了验证。我们选择了许多案例，他们体现了许多潜在的变化，这些变化可以用来改善市民的决定，为国家或城市省钱。所有这些案例都有一个共同点：助推非常节省成本，对个人和市政府影响深远。行为洞察组与行为经济家们做的工作不仅仅是执行工作：他们有关政策制定的方法是科学的，是以经济，心理和统计的强大原则为基础的。政策在城市，乡村或全国执行前，他们已经被测试过且在所谓的随机对照实验中改编过。尽管这个方法对一个成功的全新政策来说至关重要，但本章节主要集中探讨这些实验过的政策的实用性和所取得成就。为了充分利用在这里提到的任何政策的有益之处，因此我建议大家先读行为洞察组的白皮书‘检测，学习，适应：依据随机对照试验发展公共政策。’

1. Thaler & Sunstein (2008). Nudge: Improving decisions about health, wealth, and happiness. Yale University Press. 2. The Economist, “Nudge unit leaves kludge unit” (Feb 7th, 2014): http://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2014/02/market-paternalism

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This chapter is organised as follows: The first section is dedicated to personal causes, by which I refer to situations in which many people, in an ideal world, would like to make a decision that would benefit themselves more (either today or in the future). For instance, it will be discussed how to nudge people to avoid debts or pay a government fine; how to encourage them to be more honest in insurance or tax claims; and how to motivate contributing more to their retirement savings for their pension. The second part of this chapter is dedicated to prosocial causes. A prosocial situation is one in which the benefit provided by a person is towards someone else, not themselves. Many people would like to give charitably but usually everyone feels like they are short on money. A nudge at the right time can help increase donations substantially. Another case study discussed in this section pertains people’s willingness to act prosocially by reducing their own comfort to help out a public cause that benefits everyone in the city.

本章节结构：第一部分主要讲个人因素，我会借此提到很多情景，在这些情景里，许多人在一个理想的世界里，会做有益于自己的决定（无论是今天或是未来）。例如，我们将讨论如何助推人们避免债务，像政府交罚款；如何鼓励他们在保险和申报税方面更诚实；如何鼓励他们为自己储蓄更多的退休养老金。

本章节第二部分主要讲述了亲社会因素。亲社会情景的情况是，在这里面个人贡献的利益是针对其他人而不是他们自己。许多人愿意去做公益事业，但通常情况下，他们都觉得自己没钱。恰当时机，一个助推可以帮助增加大量捐赠物。这部分讨论到的另一个案例，是关于人们自愿采取亲社会的行动，通过减少自己的舒适度，支援有益于众人的公共事业。

3. Haynes, Service, Goldacre & Torgerson (2012) Test, Learn, Adapt: Developing Public Policy with Randomised Controlled Trials.

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·Personal causes Personalising reminders to increase payment of fines4 Successfully tested in: Original tested with: What they did: How it helped: Where it could apply:

South-East England People whom the country fined and who needed to pay a fine Sent personalised text messages to remind people to pay fine Increased collected fines by 14% (or, £35 million) over 3 years Any situation that requires (re)payment of fines or debts

个人因素个性化提醒增加罚款收入成功测试地点：英格兰东南部原始测试对象：被罚公民和需要交罚款的人他们做了什么：发送个性化短信提醒人们交罚款起到什么作用：在过去三年，增加了 14% 的收集罚款（三千五百万英镑）可以应用于何处：任何不交罚款或不偿还债务的情况

No one likes to pay fines. In fact, no one likes to get them in the first place. It is therefore only natural that many people try to avoid paying them, or simply forget about them. However, the more people pay on time, the better for themselves and the government: no additional late fines, no bailiff ’s cost, and less government spending on bureaucracy.

没有人喜欢交付罚款。事实上，最初人们就不喜欢拿到罚单。所以人们试着逃避罚单或忘记罚款也是很自然的事。但是，人们越是按时交罚款，他们自己和政府就越受益：没有额外的逾时罚款，就没有聘用法警的成本，政府在官僚体制上的花费就更少。

4. Behavioural Insights Team (2012) Applying behavioural insight to reduce fraud, error and debt; 28-29.

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The British government took a behavioural approach to encouraging people to pay their fines. They implemented a nudge that relies on the fact that people better understand that a product or letter is relevant to them when they are addressed personally. This is not surprising: in a world full of spam messages and mass mailings, one can quickly feel overwhelmed by the irrelevant information that is constantly around us, or easily pretend that a non-personalised letter (e.g., to collect fines) is probably not meant for them, after all. Personalising a reminder in the form of a text message turned out to be very effective. Six times as many people paid their fine when they received a text message mentioning their name, in contrast to when there is no reminder sent at all. Without personalisation, a standard text message also encouraged a good fraction of people to pay their fines (relative to no reminder) but substantially fewer than when the person’s name was included. All together, these nudges led to additional savings of approximately £35 million over three years.

英国政府采取了一种行为方法鼓励人们缴纳罚款。他们实行了一个助推方法，依据事实即当一款产品或信件被亲自通知到个人时，人们更愿相信这确实与他们有关。这一点也不惊奇：在一个充满垃圾信息和邮件的世界里，人们很快会被周围持续不断的无关信息淹没，或者很容易假装一个非个人信件（如收集罚款）也许不是针对他们发的。

个人短信提醒成为一种很有效的方式。与没有发送任何提示形成对比，当人们受到写有自己名字的短信时，他们支付罚金的概率是平时的六倍。没有具体到个人时，一个标准的短信也能鼓励一部分人缴纳罚金（相对于没有短信提醒），但与当人们的名字被通知到时相比，要少很多。总之，在过去的三年多里，这些助推方法使政府收集到了三千五百万英镑的额外积蓄。

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Signing first for more honesty in tax returns5 Successfully tested in: South-eastern United States. Also, currently being tested by the national Internal Revenue Service (US tax authority) Original tested with: People who claimed insurance benefits (or are filing tax forms) People had to sign an insurance/tax form before, What they did: rather than after, filing out the claim/tax form Decreased fraud of insurance claims by 10% How it helped: Where it could apply: Any situation where fraudulent claims are possible and a signature is required of the person making the claim

在纳税申报单上诚实地签名成功测试地点：

美国东南部。同样，近期由美国国内税务局测试。（美国税务权威机构）原始测试对象：索赔保险利益（或做税表）的人他们做了什么：在退出索赔申请表或税表之前，人们需要在保险单或税表上签字起到什么作用：保险索赔假账减少了 10% 任何不交罚款或不偿还债务的情况可以应用于何处：任何可能出现欺诈性理赔请求的情况，申请索赔的人必须签字

5. Shu, Mazar, Gino, Ariely & Bazerman (2012) Signing at the beginning makes ethics salient and decreases dishonest self-reports in comparison to signing at the end. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 109, 15197-15200.

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In the south-eastern United States an intriguing nudge was successfully tested. Car owners are asked by their insurance companies to report the mileage on their cars. Lower mileage would imply lower premium payments for their insurance. Car owners have an incentive to report a lower mileage, which increases the risk of fraudulent reporting.

The simple but effective nudge that was applied concerned the location of the signature field. A customer would always sign their name right after the following statement: “I promise that the information I am providing is true.” However, some customers were prompted with the signature field at the bottom (as is usually done on most insurance and tax forms) whereas others were asked to sign at the top of the form.

By asking people to sign their name at the top of the page, the reported mileage was 10% higher than in the case where people signed at the bottom of the page. The behavioural insight to increase honesty is based on the fact that for many people their name is an important source of identification of who they are. Moreover, when they sign their name under a statement that reads that they must be honest, it is their identity that is at threat if they lie. Usually, people are not confronted with this problem because the act of dishonest (if it occurred) took place before they would read the paragraph and sign their name. When signing takes place before filling out the form, however, the importance of being honest is more salient in people’s minds as they make their report.

In addition to the insurance example above, tax reports are another important situation in which reporting the truth is crucial. Annual tax fraud in the United States is estimated to be as high as several $100 millions. The US tax authorities are currently investigating how to best incorporate this nudge into their annual tax reports.

在美国东南部，一个有趣的助推方法得到成功验证。保险公司要求车主汇报他们车的行程里数。越少的行程里数意味着他们向保险公司支付越少的保险费。车主如果被诱使报告更低的里数，那就会增加欺诈性报告的风险。

依据签名地址，人们运用了一个简单而有效的助推手段。顾客总是在如下的陈述后签名：“我承诺我提供的信息都是真实的。”不过，许多顾客被提示把名字签在底部（如在很多保险和税收表格上）而其他人则被要求签在表格上面。

把名字签在纸张顶部的人，报告的车程里数要比名字签在底部的多 10%。行为洞察力增加真诚性的根据是，对许多人来说，名字是一个确认他们身份的很重要的资源。不过，当他们在一个要求他们诚实的陈述下签名时，如果他们说谎，那他们的身份就会受到威胁。

除了上述保险的例子，税务报告中的报告真实性也是至关重要的。美国每年的税务欺诈据估计可达一亿美元之多。美国税务机关目前正在调查，如何更好地将这个助推方法运用到年税务报告中去。

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Changing default options to increase retirement savings6 Successfully tested in: Many companies and cities across the United States Original tested with: Employees in a large private sector firms Changed the default option from not being enrolled in What they did: a retirement savings plan to being enrolled by default Doubled the number of participating employees (those How it helped: who save for their future) in the first few months of auto enrolment 7 Where it could apply: Any employee (government or private sector) as long as there exists an option for the employee to select how much of their salary should go towards their pension funds

更改默认选项来增加退休储蓄成功测试地点：原始测试对象：他们做了什么：

美国许多公司和城市大型私营企业里的员工改变默认选项，从默认不注册退休储蓄金计划到默认注册起到什么作用：从自动注册前几个月来看，参与人数增加了两倍（为自己的未来做储蓄的人）可以应用于何处：任何的员工（政府或企业里面的），只要需要员工做出选择，将工资的多少投入养老金计划

6. Carroll, Choi, Laibson, Madrian & Metrick (2009) Optimal defaults and active decisions. The quarterly journal of economics 124, 1639-1674. 7. Defaults can also be powerful in encouraging prosocial behaviour. For instance, a large-scale UK trial found that people are 8 times more likely to increase their annual donations (through an automatic scheme) if they are, by default, opted into such an annual increase-programme. Source: Sanders, Halpern and Service (2012) Applying behavioural insights to charitable giving.

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In the United States, retirement savings are, to a large extent, derived from personal contributions towards a pension fund set up by the employer (whether it is the government or private sector company). The more an employee chooses to contribute to their pension fund, the more they will have access to in the future. This will not only result in a higher quality of life at old age, but also in less dependency on the state for support as well as possible debt and bankruptcy.

Contributing money from one’s salary into a savings plan means, however, forgoing benefits today, which many people find hard to do. It is even more difficult to change one’s behaviour from a status quo of having a certain amount of money to immediately having less money because of retirement savings. In other words, people discount the future and they find it hard to switch to saving for retirement.

In many companies, however, it requires active election by the employee to opt into a retirement savings plan. That is, if the employee does nothing, the default is that the employee is not enrolled in the savings plan. As described above, many people find it hard to change to having less and saving more.

This inertia to changing behaviour can, however, also be successfully used for the opposite effect. That is, when the default option is to be opted into the retirement savings plan, few people choose to opt out. In fact, in several companies in the United States, the number of people who benefitted from defaulting into the savings plan was in some cases twice as high as the number of people who actively chose to opt in when the default was to not to be participating. Over the lifetime of an individual, the accumulated benefits are usually substantial.

在美国，很大程度上，退休储蓄是从个人投资的养老基金处获得的，养老基金是由员工成立的（无论是政府或私营公司的员工）。员工选择在养老基金处投入的越多，将来他们拿到的就越多。这不仅保证他们的老年生活过的滋润，而且让他们不在依赖政府的支持，免去负债或破产的。

不过，从个人现有工资里拿出钱投入到储蓄计划，意味着放弃今天的利益，这是很多人难以做到的。让一个人从有一笔钱的现状突然转入没怎么有钱的境地，是非常难做到的。换言之，人们忽视未来，且很难做到为退休做储蓄。

不过在许多公司，退休储蓄计划的选择需要员工的积极选举。也就是说，如果员工什么都不做，默认就是他们不会参加储蓄计划。如上所述，许多人很难接受自己现有的钱越来越少，为以后储蓄的越来越多。

不过，这种改变行为的惯性做法也可以起到相反的作用。当默认选项是加入退休储蓄计划时，很少有人退出。事实上，美国的许多公司，当默认选项是不加入储蓄计划时，在一些情况下，受益于默认加入储蓄计划的人的数量是那些积极主动参与计划的人的两倍之多。在一个人的一生中，他获得的利益通常是极大的。

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·Prosocial causes Leveraging social norms to increase charitable donations8 Successfully tested in: England Original tested with: People who were writing their will What they did: Asked people to consider charity in their will and informed them that many other people also leave money to charity How it helped: Nearly £1 million additional donations were raised Where it could apply: People writing their will or wanting to leave a legacy

亲社会因素利用社会准则来增加慈善捐赠成功测试地点：原始测试对象：他们做了什么：

英国写下自己遗嘱的人让他们在遗嘱中考虑慈善事业，告诉他们很多人把钱捐给了慈善机构起到什么作用：募集到了近一百万英镑的额外捐赠物可以应用于何处：针对那些写遗嘱或留下遗产的人

8. Sanders et al. (2012) pp. 24-25.

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Most people are willing donate at some point in their lives. But because many often feel that they are short on money, it is difficult to find the optimal time to ask. However, timing can matter immensely. In fact, the good time to ask for charitable donations is during socalled ‘touch points’, such as when they are writing their will.

This behavioural nudge is based on the insight that people would like to ‘live on’ after their death, usually by leaving a legacy9. A feeling of urgency arises when mortality is salient and, therefore, at the time when people write their wills, they are more willing to think of others by creating their legacy.

The second part of the nudge relies on social norms. When prosocial decisions are made, people usually look around what others do in a similar situation. They use the everyone else’s behaviour as a reference point and guide to structure their own actions.

The British government found that only a fraction of people by default thinks of giving to charity when writing their will. However, when prompted to do give to charity, many more do. The greatest success was when it was suggested that many other people also leave money to charity in their will. This increased donations by 200% relative to not asking at all. Furthermore, by applying the nudge, nearly £1 million were raised above previous levels of donations.

许多人在他们生活中的某一时刻，会主动贡献一些东西。但是因为许多人时常感到他们缺钱，很难把握最好时机去咨询。然而，时间选择是至关重要的。实际上，最好的询问他们是否选择慈善捐赠的时间是所谓的 ‘接触点’，如当他们正在写自己遗嘱时。

这个行为助推的依据是，人们通常会留下一笔遗产，希望在去世后名声永垂不朽。当死亡率升高时，就会增加人们的急迫感，所以当人们写遗嘱时，他们更愿去为他人着想，从而创立自己的遗产。

此助推方法的第二部分是依靠社会准则来实现的。当人们做亲社会的决定时，人们通常会参考相似情景下其他人做了什么。他们会参考大家的行为，以此来调整自己的做法。

英国政府发现，只有一部分人写遗嘱时会默认资助慈善机构。不过，当提示大家资助慈善机构时，更多的人会去这么做。最成功的事情是，当建议有些人这样做时，其他许多人也会在遗嘱中向慈善组织捐钱。与以前没要求他们这样做时相比，捐赠物增加了 200%。而且，通过应用此助推方法，与以前相比，募集到了近一百万英镑的资金。

9. Wade-Benzoni & Tost (2009) The Egoism and Altruism of Intergenerational Behavior. Business Ethics Quarterly 20

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Making actions observable to increase prosocial participation10 Successfully tested in: California, United States Original tested with: Residents in apartment buildings in Californian cities What they did: Sign-up to a voluntary programme to help stabilise the electric grid in California was made public, so that everyone in the apartment building could see who participated How it helped: Sign-ups were 7 times more likely than when residents were offered $25 to participate in the programme Where it could apply: Any community cause for which people’s sign-up is required

让行为可视化，增加亲社会参与度成功测试地点：原始测试对象：他们做了什么：

美国加利福尼亚州加利福尼亚居民报名参加一个志愿者活动，帮助稳固加利福尼亚的电网，由于活动是公开的，所以居民区人人都可以看到有谁参加了此活动起到什么作用：与之前参与者可得到 25 美元小费相比，此活动参与人数是其 7 倍之多可以应用于何处：需要人们参加的任何社区活动

Yoeli, Hoffman, Rand & Nowak (2013) “Powering Up with Indirect Reciprocity in a Large-Scale Field Experiment.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 110: 10424–10429.

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It is no secret that we care about our reputation. One’s social standing and social image are important, and most of us want to be seen as nice, friendly and generous. Ideally, when we act altruistically towards someone, our actions will be reciprocated by that person directly or by someone else who saw our prosocial act. Obviously, for the latter to work, it is essential that other people see that we are good people.

In California, the idea that we care about our social standing in a community was applied to help provide benefits for everyone in the community. During peak hours on hot summer days, Californian utility providers face the problem that the energy needed cool apartments through air conditioning can often lead to a failure of the electric grid. A blackout of the electric grid is painful to the residents whose air conditioning is out of power as well as extremely costly to the electricity provider.

To avoid such blackouts, the utility provider began a programme for which residents could sign up voluntarily. As part of this programme, the air conditioning units of those residents who signed up will automatically decrease the energy they use during peak hours. The decrease of functionality is slight but, on the aggregate, a substantial amount of energy is used less and, consequently, the electric grid is less likely to fail. But how can you motivate residents to sign up for the programme and thereby reducing their comfort slightly during peak hours?

人人都关心自己的声誉，这是众所周知的事情。一个人的社会地位和社会形象是很重要的，我们多数人希望在别人眼里是和蔼可亲，友善和慷慨大方的。合乎情理的情况是，当我们做事为别人考虑时，我们会受到直接同样的报答，或被其他人证实自己的亲社会做法。很显然地，为了后者而努力，因为其他人证明我们是好人很重要。

在加利福尼亚，我们有一个观念是很关心自己在社区的社会地位，这个观念给社区的居民带来了很多益处。在酷暑用电高峰期，加利福尼亚设备供应商会面临这样一个问题，空调给居民楼带来凉爽的同时，所消耗的能源经常导致电网崩溃。电网的断电对居民来说是件很痛苦的事情，他们的空调设备会断电，同时对电力供应商来说也是极耗成本的事情。

为了避免这种断电情况的发生，电力供应商设计了一个居民自愿报名的方案。作为方案的一部分，报名参加活动的居民，在用电高峰期时，他们的空调设备要自动减少用电量。一家用户的减少是微不足道的，但是累积起来，大量的能源被节省下来，最后电网也很少崩溃了。但是何如鼓动人们去参加这个活动，同时减少用电高峰期他们的舒适度呢？

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The nudge that was applied here was based on the behavioural insight discussed above: Because we all care about our social standing in the community, we want to be seen as a good person who does their fair share in helping out. ‘Helping out’ here means signing up for the voluntary programme. The most effective way that sign-ups were conducted was by requiring that people write their name on a publicly visible sign-up sheet in the entrance hall of the apartment complex. Naturally, this area is usually highly frequented and many fellow residents would see who had signed up.

The utility provider had previously attempted to encourage people to sign up by offering them a reward of $25 for doing so. It is a common assumption that money is a good incentive to encourage people to act or change their behaviour. However, this is not the case here: placing the sign-up sheet in a public area was 7 times more successful in getting people to participate in the programme, compared to the $25 reward.

助推方法用在这里就是依据上面我们讨论的行为洞察力：因为我们都关心自己在社区的社会地位，我们希望被人看上去像个好人，能积极排忧解难的好人。‘排忧解难’在这里意味着参加志愿者活动。最有效鼓动大家参加的方法是，要求参加的人将名字写在公寓大厅门口人人都能看到的签名表上。自然地，这个地方是人员出入最频繁的，许多同楼栋的居民可以看到都有谁报名参加了。

设备供应商之前尝试给每个报名者 25 美元奖励，来鼓励大家报名。很常见的假设，钱是一个鼓励人们采取行动或改变行为的很好的诱因。但是，在这里并非如此：与每人奖励 25 美元的方法相比，将签名表放在公共场鼓励人们参加活动的方法成功率是前者的七倍之高。

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·Conclusion This chapter summarises several behavioural ‘nudges’ that have been successfully used by policy makers in different countries to encourage citizens to make better decisions. The case studies covered here range from personal choices about retirement savings or tax claims to prosocial decisions regarding charitable donations and acting cooperatively towards one’s community.

The emphasis of this chapter was to show what other practitioners around the world had done successfully in the past. Moreover though, it also outlined a novel way of policy-making, made famous by its inception into the British government: using behavioural insights from economics and psychology to design and test policies. While this chapter is aimed to be a collection of case studies and practical advice, I also hope that the concept of behavioural insights in policymaking will be applied in the future in city and state governments to have cost-effective and substantial impact in people’s lives.

结论本章节总结了很多行为助推方法，它们已经被政策决策者成功应用于不同国家，以此来激励公民做更好的决定。在这里我们选的案例有关于退休储蓄的个人选择情况，有从慈善捐赠目的出发而做出的亲社会的申报税决定，有配合社区活动的行为。

本章节重点是为了向大家展示，世界上的其他实践者在过去都成功的做了什么。而且，也概述了一种制定决策的新方法，因英国政府全面启动而文明：从经济和心理学角度使用行为洞察力来计划和检验政策。虽然本章节目的是搜集案例和实用性建议，我同时希望政策制定中的行为洞察力的概念，城市和国家政府在未来可以用来减少人们生活的开支，给人们带来巨大效益。

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Competitiveness and Economic Development Strategy 竞争力与经济发展战略 Cheng Gao, Harvard University

Chengdu’s economic development has reached impressive heights in the past decade. It has seen impressive economic achievements such as attracting over 50% of the Fortune 500 companies to Chengdu, hosting the 2013 Fortune Global Forum, and overseeing massive construction projects, such as the successful construction of the massive New Century Global Centre, the world’s biggest building (as measured by floor space).

在过去的十年里，成都的经济得到了高速发展，取得了一些令人敬佩的经济成果，例如吸引了为数过半的世界 500 强企业落户成都；成功召开 2013 年《财富》全球论坛；创建大型建设工程，如成功建造了新世纪环球中心，这一全球最大单体建筑（按占地面积而言）。

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As with other rapidly developing metropolises, a central challenge going forward is the ability to transition from a manufacturing-based low-skill economy to a high-skill innovation-based economy. This transition is especially crucial for long run competitiveness, as numerical historical examples have shown the importance of moving up the value chain in production output as basic factor advantages such as labor and wage advantage continually shifts to different regions and countries.

This chapter first introduces and summarizes a leading framework for thinking about economic development and competitiveness strategy—that of the Diamond Model developed at Harvard Business School by the international competitiveness expert Prof. Michael Porter. As Chengdu seeks to move up the value chain in terms of its economy’s sophistication, a framework that can help boil complexity into tractable segments may be helpful to consider. This chapter then provides a case study from another leadingurban metropolis— that of New York City—that has engaged in active competitiveness strategies aiming to increase economic sophistication and competitiveness, drawing upon key case studies and materials from Harvard Business School. Finally, this chapter concludes with a story comparing Detroit and Seattle, two similar cities that undertook vastly different trajectories over the past century.

The aim here is not to prescribe, but rather to show the range of possibilities and serve as a catalyst for potential policy and idea generation. Obviously, policy prescriptionsinteract with a region and country’s political, economic, legal, and social institutionalenvironment, and should not be indiscriminately applied across borders. However, it is still a useful exercise to see the range of policy initiatives to spur idea generation, obtain abetter sense of boundary conditions, and serve as reference points for benchmarking.

与其他高速发展的大都市一样，成都经济向前发展主要面临的挑战是从低技术的制造型经济向高新技术的创新型经济转型的能力。从长远竞争的角度来看，这种经济转型至关重要，因为历史数据显示，随着一些基本生产要素优势（如劳动力优势和薪资优势）不断转入不同的地区和国家，提升产品生产环节的价值链就变得十分重要。

本章首先介绍并概述了探讨经济发展和竞争力战略的主导构架，即哈佛商学院国际竞争力专家迈克尔·波特 (Michael Porter) 教授提出的“钻石模型”(Diamond Model)。由于成都寻求能够提升其经济发展中的价值链，因此，引入一个能够将繁复的内容分析成简单易懂的部分或许对我们考虑问题有所裨益。随后，本章针对另一个重要的城市大都市 -- 纽约市进行案例分析，纽约市利用哈佛商学院提供的主要案例研究和材料，采取了旨在促进经济发展和提高竞争力的积极的竞争力战略。最后，本章以对比底特律和西雅图这两个相似的城市却在上世纪走上了完全不同的发展轨道这一史实而结尾。

本文目的并非为提供解决方案，而是为了展现可能性的最大范围，并催化产生一些可能的政策和想法。显然，某一政策方案会与该地区和国家的政治、经济、法律及社会体制环境交互作用，不应该不加区分地运用于其他地区和国家。然而，一定程度上这一做法依旧可以用来观测政策方案是否能促进人们产生构思，更好地认识国界差异，并作为标杆分析的参照点。

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· A theoretical framework for thinking about competitiveness and development strategyn As cities, regions, and even countries seek to shift from single-core industrial economies to more sophisticated, leading edge innovation-based economies of the future, targeted strategic planning that takes into account the full complexities driving economic and business development becomes ever the more essential. The Diamond Model developed by Harvard Business School Professor Michael Porter provides one such way to think about economic development strategy in a sophisticated and rigorous way at the policy level. 1This model provides a tractable over-arching framework for thinking about and thus guiding competitiveness and development strategy at the city level, and has served as the basis for the high-level advisory work on behalf of city, regional, and national government leaders world-wide conducted by Michael Porter and the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness.

Underlying the Diamond Model is the notion that the prosperity of a location (city, region, nation) depends on the productivity of the firms in that location, and that the quality of the business environment of a location influences the sophistication and productivity in which firms within a location compete. Because capturing the essence of a business environment is inherently complex given the various factors that influence productivity, and thus the Diamond Model serves as a helpful framework that helps cut through complexity with four interrelated attributes that influence location-based competition. These four attributes are graphically arranged in a diamond shape, and hence the short-hand reference to this framework is the Diamond Model. These four attributes are: Factor (Input) Conditions; Demand Conditions; Related and Supporting Industries; and Context for Firm Strategy and Rivalry and are depicted in the figure right (from Porter, 2012):

探索竞争力和发展战略的理论框架随着城市、地区甚至国家寻求从单一核心的产业经济转向未来更为成熟的、占据前沿优势的创新型经济，充分考虑推动经济和企业发展复杂性的定向战略规划变得越来越有必要。哈佛商学院迈克尔·波特教授提出的 “钻石模型”从政策层面向我们提供了一种成熟严密的思考经济发展战略的方式。1 这种模型提供了一种易于把握的主导构架来思考竞争力和发展战略，并以此在城市层面引导制定战略，也是迈克尔·波特和策略与竞争力研发中心 (Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness) 为全世界的城市、地区、国家政府领导人开展高层咨询工作的基础。

“钻石模型”蕴含的理念是某一地方（城市、地区、国家）的繁荣依赖于当地企业的生产力，当地企业环境的质量影响到当地企业之间的成熟度和生产力的竞争。鉴于影响生活力的因素多种多样，因此想要抓住企业环境的实质是极其复杂的，而“钻石模型”作为一种有益的构架，把这种繁复性分为影响地方竞争的四个相互关联的因素。这四大因素通过菱形排列出来，这一构架简约表现即为“钻石模型”。四大因素分别是：生产要素（投入）；需求状况；相关及支持产业；企业战略、结构和竞争对手，见右表（波特，2012）：

1. Porter, M. E. On Competition, Updated and Expanded Edition. Boston: Harvard Business School Publishing, 2008.

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Improving the Quality of the Business Environment Context for Firm Strategy and Rivalry Local rules, incentives, and competition that affects productivity & investment Examples: competition & IP la ws, governance standards etc.

Demand Conditions

Factor (Input) Conditions

Sophistication of local demand

Access to business inputs

Examples: quality standards, environmental standards, safety laws

Related and Supporting Industries Suppiers and supporting industries (availability and quality)

提高企业环境质量企业战略结构及竞争对手鼓励投资和生产力的当地政策和激励机制如：竞争与知识产权保护、企业治理标准

需求状况

生产要素（投入）

企业投入

成熟的本地需求

如：人力资本、资本、基础设施及科技设施

如：质量标准、环境标准安全法规

相关及支持产业

供应商及支持产业（质量与存在量）

ibid

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Factor inputs are the factors of production necessary to compete in various industries. These include natural, human, capital, and infrastructural resources – tangible assets such as infrastructure, legal institutions, universities, and research centers that firms can draw upon. Improved efficiency, quality, and specialization in factor inputs increase productivity. Specialization is particularly notable, as specialized factor inputs are less trade/available elsewhere and are key for innovation. In strategic planning, a useful thought exercise is to identify how valuable, rare, non-imitable, and nontradable factor inputs are (resource-based view in Strategy), as these types of resources can help lead to competitive advantage.

要素投入是指在各行业竞争中所需的生产要素，包括自然资源、人力资源、资本资源、基础设施资源 -企业可以利用的有形资产，如基础设施、合法机构、高校、研发中心等。要素投入中效率、质量、专业化的提升能提高生产率。尤其值得注意的是专业化，由于其他地方无法交易或提供专门的要素投入，因而是创新的关键所在。在战略规划中，一种有用的思维锻炼是去鉴定要素投入的价值性、稀缺性、无可仿制性、不可贸易性（战略中的资源基础理论），因为这类资源能帮助企业获得竞争优势。

Demand Conditions represents the home-market demand for products and services. This attribute refers to the sophistication and demand of local customers and “have much to do with whether firms can and will move from imitative, low-quality products and services to competing on differentiation.” 2Upgrading this influence requires the development of increasingly demanding local markets, which influence local firms to innovate, improve and gain insights into existing and future needs, thus helping firms innovate and adapt to a changing business landscape. On the flip side, firms in localities featuring low productivity can only learn about demand mostly from foreign markets, which do not provide as much insight about future demand.

需求状况代表了国内市场对于产品和服务的需求。这一因素是指当地消费者购买力的成熟度和需求量， “与企业是否能从并会从仿制低质量的产品和服务向有特色的产品和服务转向大有关系。”2 加深这种影响需要越来越高要求的当地市场的发展，因为会影响当地企业去创新、改善，洞察到企业生存和今后市场的需求，从而帮助企业创新，不断适应变化着的业务环境。另一方面，生产力较低的当地企业只能通过国外市场来了解市场需求，而这并不能让人们洞察到未来市场的需求。

2. Porter, M. E. On Competition, Updated and Expanded Edition. Boston: Harvard Business School Publishing, 2008.

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Related and Supporting Industries refer to the presence of locally-based suppliers and competitive related industries (clusters). Home-based suppliers that are internationally competitive yield several advantages, such as being able to provide cost-effective inputs in an early, efficient, and potentially preferential way. Additionally, home-based related and supporting industries helps facilitate innovation, since the proximity of suppliers and end-users being co-located near each other facilitates quick and constant flow of information, feedback, and ideas, which facilitates innovation and R&D efforts. Essentially, competitive related and supporting industries at home facilitate faster information and technical flow speeds, which greases the wheels of innovation.3

相关及支持产业指的是当地供货商和有竞争力的相关产业（群）的存在。具有国际竞争力的国内的供货商占有一些优势，比如：能在早期通过有效优先的方式提供成本效益好的投入。此外，国内相关及支持产业能帮助企业创新，因为供货商与终端用户之间的同地协作能促进信息、反馈、想法等的快速经常性的流动，从而推动创新和研发的过程。本质而言，国内有竞争力的相关及支持产业大大促进了信息和技术的流动，进而推动了创新之轮。3

Context for Firm Strategy and Rivalry represents the institutions (in form of rules, incentives, and norms) that drive the nature and intensity of rivalry within a location (city/region etc.) Basic low-productivity economies feature little local rivalry, as competition is primarily driven by price and local rivalry is characterized by imitation. Advanced economies feature rigorous local rivalry, where competition is based on low total cost instead of low wages, efficiency in manufacturing and service delivery capabilities, as well as a focus on innovation instead of imitation and high investment in not only physical assets but also intangible assets such as skills and technology.

企业战略、结构和竞争对手指代了推动某一范围内（城市 / 地区等）竞争的实质和强度的体系（表现为条例制度、激励措施、规范准则）。基本的低生产力的经济实体以地方竞争小为特征，因为竞争主要是由于价格而推动的，地方竞争以仿造为特征。发达的经济实体则以强有力的地方竞争为特征，这种竞争基于较低的总成本费而不是廉价的薪资，具备高效地提供制造和服务的能力，关注创新而不是仿造，不仅对实物资产有较大的投入，而且对无形资产（如技能、技术等）也有较大投入。

3. A good example of this is AnnaLee Saxenian’s book on the evolution of Silicon Valley: Regional Advantage: Culture and Competition in Silicon Valley and Route 128 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994),

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These four attributes affect each other and are mutually intermediated by the nature of local competition. Essentially, the underlying spirit of the Diamond Model is that many variables matter for competitiveness, and successful business development is a “process of successive upgrading, in which the business environment improves to enable increasingly sophisticated ways of competing.”4

Porter (2008) aptly sums this up: “the move to an advanced economy requires developing vigorous local rivalry. Rivalry must shift from low wages to low total cost, which requires upgrading the efficiency of manufacturing and service delivery. Ultimately, rivalry must also evolve beyond cost to include differentiation. Competition must shift from imitation to innovation and from low investment to high investment, not only in physical assets but in intangibles such as skills and technology. Clusters, as will be evident, play an integral role in these transitions.”5

As government transitions from a policy straightjacket focusing on one-dimensional metrics (i.e. growth rates and exports) to broader policies focused on increasing the sophistication of the economy, it becomes increasing essential to recognize and account for the reality that a diverse set of factors and moving parts can affect the competitiveness of the business environment, which affects its ability to both attract investment as well as spur domestic growth and innovation. The Diamond Model is one way to think about and analyze the competitiveness of the economy embedded in a location (i.e. Chengdu) when strategic planning teams go through economic development policy planning exercises and policy formulation processes.

这四大因素互相影响，并受地方竞争的实质相互调节。本质而言， “钻石模型”涵盖的理念就是许多变量会影响到竞争，成功的企业发展是“连续不断地更新升级的过程，在这一过程中，企业环境得到改善，从而能够更为成熟地参与竞争。”4

波特（2008）恰如其分地总结道： “要想拥有发达的经济体系就需要拥有强健有力的地方竞争。竞争方向必须从低薪资向低总成本转变，而这需要不断提高制造和提供服务的效率。最终，竞争除了考虑成本因素以外，还要演化为产品或服务的特色化。竞争必须从仿造向创新转变，从低投入向高投入转变，不仅是在实物资产上，而且是在无形资产（如技能、技术）上。显然，产业群在这些转变中扮演着必不可缺的角色。”5

随着政府从只关注单向指标（如经济增长率和出口额）的政策束缚向关注提升经济成熟度这一更为宽广的政策转变，人们越来越有必要意识到并解释这一现实，即各种不同的因素和变化着的部分会影响到企业环境的竞争，进而影响到其招商引资和促进国内增长及创新的能力。当战略规划组审查经济发展政策规划、制定方针政策时，应该利用“钻石模型”来探索和分析某一地方（如成都）存在的经济竞争。

4. Porter, Michael. “Regional Competitiveness and the Role of Business.” Presentation: Sintonía Puebla, Mexico April 27, 2012. 5. Porter, M. E. On Competition, Updated and Expanded Edition. Boston: Harvard Business School Publishing, 2008.

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· Case Study on New York City Economic Development Strategy6 As mentioned earlier, it is also often helpful to look at case studies from other leading cities. While the institutional contexts of policies obviously differ, examining the experiences of other localities serves as a useful catalyst for potential policy and idea generation as well as serve as reference points for benchmarking practices.

New York City is a particularly interesting case to examine given its prominent rise into a global cosmopolitan city as well as its economic rebound after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.7 Upon taking office in 2001, Mayor Michael Bloomberg began a listening tour with top corporate leaders in New York City to both better understand and identify needs, as well as to signal that the City was open for business. He also appointed Daniel Doctoroff, a former private sector business executive, to the position of Deputy Mayor for Economic Development and Rebuilding, thus signaling the importance of economic development for his administration as well as having economic development strategy be coordinated out of a high-level deputy-mayor level position.

纽约市经济发展战略案例分析 6 正如上文所述，针对主要城市进行案例分析总是有所益处的。尽管由于制度体系造成政策上存在着明显差异，但借鉴其他地方的经验有助于政策和想法的产生，同时也能作为标杆分析的参考点。

鉴于其国际化大都市的地位以及 2001 年“9•11” 恐怖袭击后经济的回升，对纽约市进行案例分析尤其值得关注。72001 年上任纽约市市长后，迈克尔 • 布隆伯格 (Michael Bloomberg) 立即与企业高层领导人在纽约开始了“倾听之旅”，以便更好地理解和识别市场需求，同时这一行为也向世界发出了纽约恢复商业交易的信号。同时，他也委任丹尼尔 • 多克托洛夫 (Daniel Doctoroff) 这位前私营部门企业主管为负责经济发展与重建的副市长，这一举措表明布隆伯格政府高度重视经济发展，并由副市长这样高层的领导人协调经济发展战略。

6. This section is based off the HBS Case “New York City: Bloomberg’s Strategy for Economic Development”; 9-709-427; 6-92011 (rev) 7. Materials based off HBS Case “New York City: Bloomberg’s Strategy for Economic Development”; 9-709-427; 6-9-2011 (rev); this serves as the main source for this case study

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Upon the completing of their initial listening tour, Mayor Bloomberg and Deputy Mayor Doctoroff concluded that their economic development policy for New York City, a post-industrial city, had to be based on “providing businesses with appropriate space and infrastructure, and individuals, especially highly skilled specialists, with good living conditions, rather than focusing on financial incentives for large corporations to locate in New York.”8 Furthermore, the Mayor focused his company retention strategy from one based on incentives to one based on mutual fit. This was a remarkably different than conventional investment and economic development strategy. Furthermore, there is a similar parallel here between New York and Chengdu, as Chengdu will also need to develop postindustrial strategies for growth in the near future once comparative advantage in low labor wages shifts from Western China to other regions such as Southeast Asia.

As Deputy Mayor Doctoroff said “We came to the view early on that there was little benefit, and in fact potentially significant costs, to having an incentive based economic development strategy. We want to focus on those companies that are in the city because they gain unique economic value from being here.” 9 In other words, the city’s economic strategy for attracting companies focused on companies in fields that were strong in New York. It was a shift from a quantity focus to quality focus. As a result, between 2001 and 2006, the number of corporate retention deals in New York City fell. In previous Mayor Giuliani’s first term, there were 38 such deals, and this number fell to five.

在一结束他们的“ 倾听之旅” 后，布隆伯格市长和多克托洛夫副市长就总结道，他们为纽约这一后工业化的城市制定的经济发展政策必须立足于“为企业提供适宜的办公空间和基础设施；为个人，尤其是高技能的专家，提供良好的生活环境，而不是专注于为大企业驻扎纽约而给予的财政激励”这一基础上。8 此外，布隆伯格市长将公司基于奖励机制挽留人才的策略转向双方互赢的基础上。这与传统的投资和经济发展战略有着明显的区别。此外，在这点上成都与纽约存在着相似之处，因为一旦廉价劳动力的相对优势从中国西部转向其他地方如东南亚地区，成都也需要为今后的发展制定后工业化的战略。

正如多克托洛夫副市长所言， “我们先前意识到根据经济发展战略制定激励措施可能得到的收益较少，事实上可能需要花费巨大成本。我们想要关注那些已经在纽约的企业，因为它们的存在就已经获得了独一无二的经济价值。”9 换言之，纽约吸引企业的经济战略重点在于那些已经在纽约站稳根基的企业，实现了从关注公司数量向关注公司质量的转变。因此，在 2001 年到 2006 年之间，纽约为挽留企业达成的协议数量下降了。在前任市长朱利安尼第一届任职期间，这类协议有 38 例，但现在这一数字降到了 5 例。

8. Materials based off HBS Case “New York City: Bloomberg’s Strategy for Economic Development”; 9-709-427; 6-9-2011 (rev); this serves as the main source for this case study 9. ibid

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Mayor Bloomberg ran economic development / investment policy under an entire organization dedicated to strategic planning for these topics, the New York Economic Development Corporation (NYEDC), whose president is appointed by the Mayor himself. Having a deputy-mayor level official run economic development policy as well as an entire organizational entity that spearheads overall economic development strategy has arguably increased the efficiency in the strategic planning process as well as aligned various economic/business-related agencies with an overall development strategy.

In 2002, the Major’s office came out with a 2002 Five Borough Economic Development Strategy (New York City consists of five boroughs, essentially administrative subunits: Manhattan, Brooklyn, Queens, The Bronx, Staten Island).10 Based on the Mayor’s shift in strategy from quantity to quality, from indiscriminate incentives to fit, this strategy report identified three core strategies: (1) Make New York City more livable by improving the quality of life to attract and retain employers and employees; (2) Make New York City more business-friendly by creating an environment that gives businesses the tools to be competitive and create jobs; and (3) Diversify the New York City economy by reducing New York’s dependence on financial services and on Manhattan.

10. ibid

布隆伯格市长在纽约经济发展组织 (NYEDC) 的协助下管理经济发展 / 投资政策，该组织致力于经济发展与投资的战略规划，其主席由布隆伯格市长直接委任。有着副市长层面的官方管理经济发展政策和整个组织实体领导制定整体的经济发展战略，可以说毫无疑问增加了战略规划进程的效率，并在总体发展战略指导下与各种经济 / 企业相关的机构联盟。

2002 年，布隆伯格办公室出台了“2002 年纽约五大行政区经济发展战略”（纽约市包含了五大行政区域，本质上是二级行政单位：曼哈顿区、布鲁克林区、皇后区、布朗克斯区、斯塔滕岛区）。10 基于布隆伯格从量向质、从普适的激励措施向双赢战略的转变，这一战略报告以三大核心战略为特征：（1）通过提升生活质量使纽约市更适宜居住，以此吸引和留住雇主和雇员；（2）通过创造能为企业提供竞争力和创造就业机会的环境，从而为纽约市赢得优良的企业环境；（3）通过减少纽约对于金融服务和曼哈顿的依赖来使纽约市的经济多元化。

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With regards to the first strategic development initiative (of making New York City more livable by improving the quality of life to attract and retain employers and employees), the City’s strategy consisted of several components. Based on the NYEDC report, this included: making sure there is an adequate supply of housing for New Yorkers of all income levels; ensuring that the waterfronts across all five New York City boroughs be properly revitalized to create improved quality housing and accessible parks; that strategic parks and open spaces be constructed to stimulate development in surrounding areas; and to pursue an array of “livability” initiatives to help make New York an attractive place for both employment and residence.

With regards to the second strategic development initiative (of making New York City more businessfriendly by creating an environment that gives businesses the tools to be competitive and create jobs), the City’s strategy (based on the NYEDC report) also consisted of several components: including developing central business districts (CBDs) that can provide capacity for economic growth and expansion; attracting and retaining employers via carefully targeted incentives as well as aggressive outreach; providing strong, customer-oriented support to small businesses and treating them as partners; develop the City’s workforce both to provide talented labor inputs for the City’s businesses as well as employment for city citizens; and improving the City’s transportation and business infrastructures that can help facilitate business development and growth.

关于第一个战略发展提议（通过提升生活质量使纽约市更适宜居住，以此吸引和留住雇主和雇员），纽约市的战略由几个部分构成。基于纽约经济发展组织的报告，这包括：确保纽约各个收入水平的纽约人都有充足的房源；确保复兴横跨纽约市五个行政区域的滨水区，以此创造质量改善的住房条件和可供使用的公园；确保构建战略上的公园和空地可以用来刺激周边地区的发展；追寻一系列“适宜居住”的措施来帮助纽约成为令人向往的适宜工作和居住的地方。

关于第二个战略发展提议（通过创造能为企业提供竞争力和创造就业机会的环境，从而为纽约市赢得优良的企业环境），纽约市采取的战略（依据纽约经济发展组织的报告）也包括几个部分：开发能推动经济增长和扩张的商业中心区（CBDs）；通过谨慎定向的激励措施和主动帮助等手段来吸引和留住雇主；向小型企业提供强有力的、以顾客为导向的帮助，将其视为合作伙伴；培养纽约市的劳动力，为纽约市的企业和城市公民雇佣提供有才能的劳力投入；提高纽约市的交通运输和商业基础设施，从而促进经济发展与增长。

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With regards to the third strategic development initiative (of diversifying the New York City economy by reducing New York’s dependence on Manhattan and the financial services industry), the City’s strategy (based on the NYEDC report) also consisted of several components: focusing on tourism promotion through innovation marketing and targeted infrastructure investments; leveraging carefully targeted incentives and aggressive outreach to attract new employers and retain existing ones; identifying and enhancing other potentially high-growth industries that could potentially serve as a source of competitive advantage.

The Bloomberg Administration, in response to its three core strategies, enacted several policy initiatives designed to push forward on its objectives.One main lever through which the City aimed to achieve these objectives was through real estate development, particularly that of rezoning. The City engaged in four main types of rezoning: (1) converting manufacturing spaces into mixed office/residential developments, (2) carrying out “upzoning” by allowing higher density of commercial land use throughout the city to expand and promote development opportunities in central business districts; this allowed high commercial density neighborhoods to have greater access to real estate and transportation infrastructure, (3) carrying out “balanced rezoning” by reviewing and mediating planning rules in traditionally residential neighborhoods experiencing pressure from commercial development prospects, and,(4) “downzoning”by moving to limit commercial development in lower-density neighborhood that were located outside of Manhattan.

关于第三个战略发展提议（通过减少纽约对于金融服务和曼哈顿的依赖来使纽约市的经济多元化），纽约市采取的战略（依据纽约经济发展组织的报告）也包括几个部分：关注于通过创新销售和定向基础设施投资来推动旅游业的振兴；仔细权衡定向的激励措施和主动援助措施来吸引新的雇主，留住现有的雇主；识别并强化其他潜在的高速增长行业，这些行业可能成为竞争优势的来源。

为响应这三种核心战略，布隆伯格政府制定了一些政策激励措施来推动其目标的实现。纽约市希望通过某一杠杆来实现这些目标，而这一主要杠杆就是通过发展房地产业，尤其是区域重新规划。纽约市主要致力于四种类型的重新规划：（1）把生产车间向混合式办公 / 住宅区发展，（2）通过允许全市更高密度的利用商业用地来提升分区用途，从而扩大和推动商业中心区的发展机遇；这种做法使得高商业密度的社区更容易接近房地产和交通运输基础设施，（3）传统的住宅社区正遭受到商业发展前景所带来的压力，通过审阅和调解传统住宅社区模式的规划制度来实现“平衡再规划”，（4）通过限制曼哈顿以外低密度社区的商业发展来实现低密度区划。

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One example of using rezoning was the City’s new approach to manufacturing enterprises, which it sought to assist by improving access to real estate for industrial uses. The City led efforts to re-examine zoning, and thus many industrial parks were rezoned for mixed use (office and residential) while others were reclassified as Industrial Business Zones, which came with guarantees that there would be no future rezoning for residential use. The City also sought to provide services to manufacturing firms more efficiently, and established an Office of Industrial and Manufacturing Businesses. 11

Another lever was through engaging in more strategic and targeted marketing. In July 2003, the Bloomberg Administration created the New York City Marketing Development Corporation, a dedicated organizationto “to centralize the City’s marketing assets, rights and authority in order to generate new revenues and resources and to create a plan to enhance the City’s brand around the world for the growth of jobs and tourism.” 12In September 2003, Mayor Bloomberg announced that Snapple Beverage Group became the City’s firsts corporate marketing partner, and had signed a deal that guaranteed the City $106 million (cash) and $60 million in marketing and promotional value. 13Another big coup was a 2005 agreement with the Spanish construction firm Cemusa, which featured a $1 billion deal for the rights to sell advertising in buildings and maintain various bus top shelters, newsstands, and public toilets.14

重新规划的一个例子就是纽约针对制造型企业所采取的新的措施，该措施希望能通过提高房地产的工业用途来帮助企业。纽约市重新审视区域划分，因此许多工业园区重新规划为混合用途（作为办公和住宅场所），而其他则重新分类为工业企业园区，并保证该区内不再重新规划为住宅区。同时纽约市也寻求向制造企业提供更高效的服务，成立了工业制造业企业办公室 (Office of Industrial and Manufacturing Businesses)。11

另一措施则是通制定更多战略性的定向市场营销。2003 年 7 月，布隆伯格政府创立了纽约市营销发展公司（New York City Marketing Development Corporation），一家专门“ 集中纽约市营销资产、行销权、许可权，从而创造出新的收益和资源，制定计划来增强纽约在全球范围内的品牌影响力，从而推动其就业和旅游业的发展” 的机构。122003 年 9 月，布隆伯格宣布斯纳普饮料集团（Snapple Beverage Group）成为纽约市第一家企业营销伙伴，并签署协议，允诺给予纽约市一亿六百万美元（现金）和六千万美元用于销售和推广品牌上。13 另一成功的案例是 2005 年与西班牙的一家建筑公司塞穆萨 (Cemusa) 签署的协议，协议约定以十亿美元允许其在建筑、各种公交车站台、报亭、公厕刊登广告宣传。14

11. ibid 12. http://www.citymayors.com/business/snapple.html 13. HBS Case “New York City: Bloomberg’s Strategy for Economic Development”; 9-709-427; 6-9-2011 (rev) 14. ibid

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Another strategic initiative focused on strengthening various clusters within New York City. For example, the city launched the New York City Bioscience Initiative–a “private public partnership with New York City Economic Development Corporation, Partnership Fund for New York City, and Partnership for New York City, the City’s research institutions and members of the investment community”–to promote the bioscience industry cluster in the Greater New York City region. This initiative designated the construction of a network of modern buildings for bioscience activity and research as well as the City’s first bioscience office park consisting of a mixture of laboratories and office space (East River Science Park). Recently, the City launched a $100 million bid competition, which was won by Cornell University (in partnership with the Technion-Israel Institute of Technology) to “build a new state-ofthe art engineering and applied science graduate school on free city land.”15 The New York Economic Development Corporation estimates that this new campus will generate “more than 20,000 construction jobs, 8,000 permanent jobs, hundreds of spin-off companies and more than $23 billion in economic activity over the next 30 years, bringing the city closer to its goal of becoming the nation's next tech hub.” 16

另一战略提议关注于增强纽约市内各种产业群。比如，全市发起了“纽约市生物科学倡议（New York City Bioscience Initiative）”-- 一次“与纽约市经济发展组织、纽约市合作伙伴关系基金（Partnership for New York City Fund）、纽约市伙伴合作组织（Partnership for New York City）、纽约市科研机构和投资社区成员之间的私人公共合作关系”，以此来推动大纽约区生物科学产业集群的发展。这一提议要求为现代建筑构建适宜生物科学活动和研究的网络，以及成立纽约市第一个由实验室和办公空间混合组成的生物科技办公园区（东河科技园）。最近，纽约市发起了价值一亿美元的投资竞标，最终被康奈尔大学（与以色列理工大学合作）夺标，为“在纽约闲置的土地上建造一所崭新的最先进的工程学和应用科学研究院”。15 纽约经济发展组织估测这个新校区将会产生“两万多份建设岗位，八千份固定岗位，数百家衍生公司，在未来 30 年内创造 230 亿美元经济活动价值，使得纽约离成为美国下一个技术中心的目标更近一步。”16

15. http://www.dnainfo.com/new-york/20111219/midtown/cornell-wins-100-million-bid-build-campus-on-roosevelt-island 16. ibid and http://www.news.cornell.edu/stories/2011/12/nyc-chooses-cornell-technion-build-tech-campus

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Additionally, the City created many initiatives focused on assisting and improving workforce quality, improving education, and increasing affordable housing. For example, the Department of Small Business Services (SBS) launched “Workforce1 Career Centers” to assign people seeking jobs and “Business Solution Centers” to provide various services that help small businesses growth.17 The City also spearheaded a $3 billion plan for expanding low-income housing, revitalizing waterfront areas, and expanding/ improving open spaces to increasing quality of living.18 The administration also identified the importance of the public education system, and the mayor took full control over the school system in 2002 and his newly appointed Education chancellor Joel Klein reorganized the Department of Education to “achieve more efficiency and accountability.”19 Additionally, in 2008, the City identified career and technical education (CTE) as a key priority and launched 282 CTE programs and 26 CTE schools as well as a $45 million High School for Design, Engineering, and Construction Trades. 20

Additionally, in terms of accountability, the Bloomberg Administration created a “Citywide Accountability Program” (Capstat) to enhance internal performancebased management for city agencies, where each agency’s performance was tracked against various metrics and summarized in a regularly scheduled report. However, the Administration has not been without criticism. Critics have argued that the Bloomberg Administration, with its focus on strengthening the white-collar economy and creative class, have ignored “opportunities to use development to benefit the city’s working class and middle-and low-income residents, especially in neighborhoods of color.” 21

此外，纽约市采取了许多创新举措，来帮助和提高劳动力素质，改善教学质量，增加经济适用房。比如，小型企业服务局（Department of Small Business Services）成立了“就业辅导中心（Workforce1 Career Centers）”来帮助人们就业，成立 “企业咨询中心（Business Solution Centers）”来为小型企业的增长提供各种服务和帮助。17 同时，纽约市也领导了一个价值 30 亿美元的方案来扩建低收入住房，复兴滨水区，扩大 / 改善空地来提高生活质量。18 布隆伯格政府也意识到公共教育体制的重要性，2002 年布隆伯格完全掌控学校体制，他最近委任的教育局局长乔尔·克莱因（Joel Klein）重组了教育部，以“提高效率和责任感”。 19 此外，2008 年，纽约市把职业技术教育（CET）作为一个关键的头等大事，发起了 282 个职业技术教育项目，建立了 26 所职业技术教育学校，并投资 450 万美元建立了设计、工程及建筑高中（High School for Design, Engineering, and Construction Trades）。20

此外，在责任感方面，布隆伯格政府出台了“ 全市问责制计划”(Capstat) 来增强市里行政机构内部以绩效为基础的管理，通过各种度量指标追踪每一行政机构的表现，并定期在报告中做适当总结。但是，布隆伯格政府的这些做法并没有免于舆论的非议。批评家认为布隆伯格政府关注的中心在于强化白领阶层的经济和创意阶层，而忽略了“通过发展使工人阶层、中低收入居民，尤其是种族社区，受益的机会。”21

17. HBS Case “New York City: Bloomberg’s Strategy for Economic Development”; 9-709-427; 6-9-2011 (rev) 18. ibid 19. ibid 20. ibid 21. ibid

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Besides the specific policy initiatives, there are several points of interest from the experience discussed above that might be helpful to keep in mind for any type of strategic planning exercise that Chengdu might undertake. First, it is interesting to note the effect of installing a seasoned veteran business executive (Dan Doctoroff was a private equity executive and former President of Bloomberg LP) at such a top-level administrative position (deputy-mayor level), which signaled the seriousness with which the Bloomberg Administration view economic development priorities while also projecting credibility with the business community and potential investors given that a highlevel business leader was running such a pivotal part of the government. Additionally, in terms of coordination and organization, coordinating economic strategy under a robustly staffed policy development and implementation organization such as the New York Economic Development Corporation helped not only facilitated development and implementation efforts, but played a key role in facilitating the organization and coordination of policy for the top-level administration. Finally, in terms of attracting investment, a targeted strategy featuring smart incentives that featured quality over quantity by focusing on corporations that would be a good fit for New York City(instead of indiscriminate quantity metrics) allowed New York City to invest for the future by hedging beyond just the financial sector. For example, New York now has a thriving technology industry and is partnering with Cornell University to establish a major science and engineering campus on Roosevelt Island to further increase entrepreneurship and growth for the City’s technology sector.

除了具体的政策措施外，从上述讨论的经验来看，还有几个兴趣点值得人们去关注，以便帮助我们理解成都可能采取的任何战略规划手段。首先，值得注意的是任命了一位经验丰富的企业主管（丹·多克托奥夫曾担任过私募股权经理、彭博资讯前任总裁）担当如此高层的行政职位（副市长），这意味着布隆伯格政府视经济发展为重中之重的严肃态度，同时也向商界和潜在投资者投射出足够的可信度，鉴于有这么一位高层商业领导担任着政府部门如此关键的职位。此外，在协调和组织方面，在强势的政策发展和组建纽约经济发展组织这种机构的背景下，协调的经济战略不仅有益于发展与实施，也有益于高层行政组织和协调政策。最后，在招商引资方面，采取重点关注适合纽约市的企业（而不是以普适的数量为标准），这一质量优于数量为特征的明智的激励措施的定向战略使得纽约市除了获得财政部门的资助外还有另一种投资未来的机会。比如，纽约现在拥有一个蒸蒸日上的技术产业，并与康奈尔大学合作在罗斯福岛（Roosevelt Island）上建立了以科学、工程学为专业的校区，进一步培养未来的企业家，推动纽约市技术产业的发展。

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· The Importance of Skills, Ideas, and Entrepreneurship: The Story of Detroit and Seattle While it is often tempting to spend large-scale investments on tangible infrastructure projects, the importance of investment in human capital and innovation cannot be understated. Edward Glaeser, a Harvard economics professor and world-renowned urban economist, has done extensive work on the divergent paths of Detroit and Seattle over the past century. As he points out, at the beginning of the 20th century, Detroit was “one of the most innovative cities on earth, with an abundance of small automotive entrepreneurs supplying each other with parts, financing and new ideas.”22 It was “crammed with smart innovators who competed and collaborated in their quest to produce the newest thing. Ford, the Fisher Brothers, the Dodge Brothers, David Dunbar Buick and Billy Durant in nearby Flint were only a few of the automobile entrepreneurs who collectively invented the mass-produced car.”23 Ford Motor, with its big factories and assembly lines, created tens of thousands of jobs, all in the Detroit area initially.

技术、想法、企业家精神的重要性：底特律和西雅图的故事尽管人们常常倾向于在有形基础设施项目上进行大规模投资，但是在人力资本和创新方面的投资也很重要。哈佛大学经济学教授、世界知名的城市经济学家爱德华·格莱泽（Edward Glaeser）在上世纪曾针对底特律和西雅图发展的不同道路做过大量研究。他指出，二十世纪初，底特律曾是“世界上最具创新性的城市之一，拥有大量小型汽车企业家，他们互相供应零配件、资金以及新的想法。”22 这座城市“充满了聪明的创新者，他们相互竞争、相互合作，以期制造出最新颖的产品。在附近的弗林特城，有着福特（Ford）、费希兄弟（the Fisher Brothers）、道奇兄弟（the Dodge Brothers）、大卫·邓巴·别克（David Dunbar Buick）、比利·杜兰特（Billy Durant）这些汽车企业家，他们共同发明了批量生产的汽车。”23 福特汽车，凭借其巨大的生产车间和流水线，创造了成千上万的就业机会，而这些最初都是发生在底特律地区的。

22. http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/03/08/how-seattle-transformed-itself/?_r=0 23. http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052748704050204576218884253373312

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However, while this was good initially, the Detroit auto cluster with its bloated costs and powerful unions, was unprepared for change as foreign competitors descended on the U.S. market competing aggressively on prices, quality, and fuel efficiency. Hence, as Prof. Glaeser points out, “Ford’s legacy to Detroit has been mixed. On the one hand, he surely brought many jobs there. But the scale of his success transformed a city of small, smart entrepreneurs into a city of vast factories filled with less educated workers. Decades of dominance by big companies in a single industry left Detroit with an ample supply of company men but a dire shortage of the kind of entrepreneurs who can reinvent a city when the economic climate changes. Even today, only 12 percent of Detroit adults have college degrees, and firms remain big.” 24

Furthermore, Prof. Glaeser points out that “Detroit is an object lesson in the failure of policies that emphasize physical capital rather than human capital and entrepreneurship.”25 For example, Mayor Miriani spent “tens of millions of federal dollars on subsidized housing and overseeing the completion of the $70 million Cobo Convention Center” in the 1950s.” His successor, Mayor Cavanagh, also built new housing. Then, Mayor Young spent millions support projects such as the Joe Louis Arena and GM’s Poletown plant, as well as investing in a monorail system. Today, Detroit’s People Mover monorail presides over mostly empty streets, and over 90% of Detroit’s houses are priced below construction cost. As Prof. Glaeser points out, today’s American cities are already quite well connected, and thus new infrastructure investments are likely to have “fairly modest effects” and unlikely to bring back declining cities.”26 In other words, shiny new buildings do not necessarily make a shiny new city. 27

24. http://www.city-journal.org/2011/21_4_entrepreneurs.html 25. http://www.city-journal.org/2011/21_4_entrepreneurs.html 26. http://www.city-journal.org/2011/21_4_entrepreneurs.html 27. http://www.city-journal.org/2011/21_4_entrepreneurs.html

然而，尽管起初表现不错，但由于其成本上涨，工会实力壮大，当国外竞争者凭借价格、质量、燃油效率等优势突袭美国市场时，底特律汽车制造群并没有做好应对准备。因此，正如格莱泽教授所言，“福特对于底特律的贡献被模糊了。一方面，他确实在那里创造了许多就业机会。但是他的成功使得一座拥有明智的小企业家的城市转变为一座拥有许多未受高等教育的工人在工厂工作的城市。大公司在单一行业统治了数十年，导致底特律不乏公司职员，但却严重缺乏能顺应经济发展形势重新改变这座城市的企业家。即便是今天，底特律成人中只有 12% 的人拥有大学文凭，公司规模依旧很大。”24 此外，格莱泽教授指出“ 底特律是政策失败的实例，这种政策片面强调有形资本而不是人力资本和企业家精神。”25 比如，20 世纪 50 年代，市长米里亚尼（Miriani）斥资“数千万美元联邦资产在住房资助和建造价值七千万美元的‘科博会展中心 ’（Cobo Convention Center）”。而下一届市长卡瓦纳（Cavanagh）也建造了新的住房。之后市长扬（Young）花费数百万来支持乔 • 路易斯体育馆（Joe Louis Arena）、通用汽车波兰城工厂的修建，以及单轨运输系统等项目。如今，近乎空荡的底特律街上只剩下大众运输工具单轨列车，超过 90% 的底特律住房的定价比其建设成本造价还要低。正如格莱泽教授所指出的，如今美国的城市之间联系密切，因此新的基础设施投资很可能产生“相对适宜的效果”，不太可能使没落的城市起死回生。26 换言之，新建的闪耀的建筑并不一定会成就一座新的闪耀的城市。27

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Just as Detroit had the big three automakers, Seattle had Boeing, whose “outsize footprint in Seattle set the stage for the city’s 20 tough years after 1960.”28 However, asProf. Glaeser points out, there was one crucial difference between Detroit and Seattle. Whereas the big three automakers primarily produced low-skill manufacturing jobs, Boeing employed high-skilled, highly-educated workers. Additionally, Seattle was highly committed to education and benefited greatly from the presence of the University of Washington and its strong technical programs.In fact, skills has become a key competitive strength of Seattle, whose ability to attract highly-skilled workers has been “intimately tied to the success of Seattle’s star companies,” such as Amazon, Microsoft, Nordstrom, Starbucks, and Costco etc. 29

正如底特律拥有三大汽车制造商，西雅图拥有波音飞机制造厂，其“在西雅图留下的特大号的足迹为该城 1960 年后经历艰难的 20 年做好了准备。”28 然而，正如格莱泽教授所指出的，底特律和西雅图存在着关键性的差异。三大汽车制造商主要提供低技术要求的制造岗位，而波音公司雇佣高技术、受过高等教育的职员。此外，西雅图高度重视发展教育，也从华盛顿大学及其强大的技术项目中受益匪浅。事实上，技术已经成为西雅图一项关键的竞争优势，其吸引高技能人员的能力与“西雅图明星企业的成功密切相关”，如亚马逊、微软、诺德斯特龙（Nordstrom）、星巴克、好市多（Costco）等等。29

Today, 56% of Seattle adults have a college degree (compared to roughly 12% in Detroit) and its per-capita productivity is 37% above the U.S. metropolitan average, which has helped drive its robust growth over the past decade.30 As Prof. Glaeser points out, “a great paradox of our age is that despite the declining cost of connecting across space, more people are clustering together in cities. The explanation of that strange fact is that globalization and technological change have increased the returns on being smart, and humans get smart by being around other smart people. Dense, smart cities like Seattle succeed by attracting smart people who educate and employ one another…The Seattle model is particularly important, because the ideas created in skilled cities are likely to be the economic mainstay of America in the next century.” 31

如今，56% 的西雅图成人拥有大学文凭（与底特律约 12% 相比），其人均生产力达到 37%，超过美国大都市平均水平，这帮助其在过去十年中获得了强劲的增长。30 正如格莱泽教授所指出的，“我们这个时代的悖论就是尽管跨越空间联系的成本不断下降，但是越来越多的人在城市聚结成群。这一奇怪现象的解释是全球化和技术进步增加了聪明人的回报，人们通过与周边聪明的人在一起而变得聪明。像西雅图这种高密度的小城市通过吸引教育或雇佣他人的聪明人从而获得成功……. 西雅图模式尤其重要，因为技能型城市背后的理念很可能在下一世纪成为美国的经济支柱。”31

28. http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/03/08/how-seattle-transformed-itself/?_r=0 29. http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/03/08/how-seattle-transformed-itself/?_r=0 30. http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/03/08/how-seattle-transformed-itself/?_r=0 31. http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/03/08/how-seattle-transformed-itself/?_r=0 For further reading, Prof. Glaeser’s book “Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier” (Penguin Press, 2011) might prove to be particularly insightful and interesting

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While there is obviously greater complexity to the situation than the stylized summary above, and while this comparison is merely one perspective, the story of Detroit and Seattle illustrates the potential importance of smart policy that is tailored towards developing human capital, creating agglomeration economies, and promoting entrepreneurship, and investing in longterm fundamental (and often invisible) capabilities such as education and innovation. While infrastructure projects may be crucial for underdeveloped economies, it still deserves careful attention and cost-benefit analysis (especially for mature, developed economies), as shiny new buildings do not necessarily make a shiny new city. This is a potentially valuable story to keep in mind for the strategic planning exercises that Chengdu may undertake.

尽管显然存在着比上述程序化总结更为复杂的情况，尽管这种对比仅是从一个角度进行的，底特律和西雅图的故事充分阐释了采取明智政策的重要性，这种政策要适合发展人力资本、创造聚集经济、推动企业家精神、投资像教育、创新这些基础（通常是隐形的）能力。尽管对于欠发达的经济体而言，基础设施工程可能至关重要，但是人们仍然应该关注成本效益分析（尤其对于成熟的发达经济体而言），因为新建的闪耀的建筑并不一定会带来新的闪耀的城市。这是成都在开展战略规划时应该记住的故事。

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·Conclusion While Chengdu’s rapid economic ascent has reached impressive heights in the past decade, its potential is even greater. With its strategic positioning as Western China’s core economic and logistical hub, Chengdu is well positioned to continue to increase the sophistication and robustness of its economy through smart, focused policy aimed at continual innovation and movement up the production value chain. The essence of strategy is choosing what to do, and perhaps even more importantly, what not to do given resource constraints. As Chengdu moves forward, strategic planning in upgrading the diamond attributes of an economy is all the more crucial, as the importance of moving up the value chain in production output and developing a sophisticated, innovation-based economy becomes increasingly essential in the context of increasing global competition, as well as the inevitable global shifts in low-end manufacturing and wages.

结论尽管在过去的十年里，成都的经济一直在攀升，并取得了显著成效，但是人们应该看到其更大的发展潜能。有着中国西部的核心经济和后勤中心这样的战略定位，成都为继续增加其经济的成熟度和稳健性做好了充分准备，它会通过明智的、重点突出的政策不断突破创新，提升产值链。战略的精髓在于选择做什么，但或许由于资源限制而选择不做什么更为重要。随着成都继续向前发展，改善“钻石模型”因素的战略规划更为重要，因为在全球化竞争日益激烈以及无法避免低端的制造和薪资的全球化转变的背景下，提升产品输出价值链和发展成熟的、创新型经济变得越来越有必要。

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Cultural Capital Development: Learning from Art Basel Miami Beach 从迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展看文化资本的发展 Patrick Boateng II, Harvard University

·Introduction Cities around the world are increasing in size and population, incorporating newly built space and new communities into the framework of the city. The pace at which this occurs in some of the newer cities is quite rapid, as seen in the growth rates of New Delhi, Mexico City, and Istanbul. Older cities such as London, New York, and Berlin have comparatively watched population and development slow over the course of the late 20th century. With much of the growth comes a host of benefits including additional investment in the local economy (with subsequent development), integration with global markets, and an increase in quality of life for many individuals. The 21st century has seen many cities compete with one

摘要世界各地的城市规模和人口不断增长，并将新建区域和社区纳入城市。这种现象在一些较新的城市发展速度十分迅速，比如新德里、墨西哥、伊斯坦布尔。 20 世纪末，伦敦、纽约、柏林这样的老城市人口增长减慢，发展速度减缓。增长带来了很多好处，包括当地经济投资的增长（后续的发展），与全球市场一体化，很多人生活质量的提高。21 世纪，城市对人才、投资、地位的竞争异常激烈。这些城市都有自己独特的文化。依赖自身文化，它们不断发展，以

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another for talent, investment, and status. All of these cities have a particular culture from which they emerge and respond to global cultural trends in interesting ways. Some incorporate aspects of other cultures through immigration or imitation while others reject outside cultures and reinforce theirs more strongly.

For a city to foster growth, attract investment, and become more competitive, its urban development cannot be solely focused traditional industries that seem to have an outsize effect on the local economy such as real estate or finance. The city must support the emergence and development of significant cultural capital as well as historical legacies. These factors appeal to people in profound ways and fundamentally change the way that people worldwide view any given city. Major cultural and sporting events are opportunities for cities to showcase their cultural capital and competition to host these types of events is indeed fierce.

有趣的方式应对全球文化趋势。一些通过移民或模仿融入其他文化的内容，另一些则拒绝外来文化，大力加强自身文化建设。

一个城市要想促进发展，吸引投资，更具竞争力的话，就不能只着眼于似乎对当地经济发展作用巨大的传统产业，比如房地产或金融。城市必须支持重要文化资本的产生和发展以及历史遗产。这些因素对人有持久的吸引力，并从根本上改变世界人民对任何城市的看法。主要的文化和体育赛事是城市展示其文化资本的大好时机，举办这类活动的竞争也是异常激烈。

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·Capitalizing on Growing Trends Art and design is an area of growing interest worldwide largely due to the way it has been harnessed to accelerate the power and impact of many other fields, the most prominent being technology. The art and design world’s rise has effectively spurred growing interest in festivals, conferences, fairs and tradeshows that allow individuals and groups to converge upon and discuss the many ideas fostered within the discourse. Museums and cultural institutions worldwide are seeing record numbers of visitors and have begun to develop innovative ways of engagement with their audiences.

Art Basel is a cultural event that has, since its inception, grown to become the premier contemporary art fair in the world. Its impact has been increased with the introduction of two additional fairs: Art Basel Miami Beach and Art Basel Hong Kong. Each city effectively stakes its claim as a regional hub for the art world with Art Basel’s establishment. Cities must be able to attract the type of events that are going to raise their global profile in a given category without overshadowing it. The city of Miami provides an interesting example of a city that seems to have managed to achieve this. Miami serves as a major American hub of investment for Central and South American capital, yet the emergence of its cultural sector has sparked global interest.

With the emergence of Art Basel Miami Beach as one of the premier events for modern and contemporary art worldwide and the amount of activity generated with concurrent fairs and events, Miami has taken a major step towards gaining a place among the most desirable and competitive cities in the world. There are several key lessons to be learned through the city’s relationship with the art far.

利用发展的趋势世界范围内，艺术与设计越来越受关注，这主要是因为它被用来促进很多其他领域的力量和影响，最显著的就是技术。艺术与设计世界的兴起已经有效地引起人们对节日、会议、展览和展会的兴趣，人们汇聚一堂、讨论交流。全球博物馆和文化机构游客数量达历史纪录，不断创新与游客互动的方式。

成立以来，巴塞尔艺术展逐步发展成最主要的当代艺术展。迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展和香港巴塞尔艺术展的推出提升了它的影响。随着巴塞尔艺术展的建立，每个城市都自诩艺术世界的区域枢纽。城市必须吸引能够提升自身特定领域形象的活动，而不是使自己黯然失色。迈阿密是美国中部和南部资本投资的主要枢纽，但是其文化领域的发展却引起了全球关注。

随着迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展成为世界上最主要的现当代艺术展之一，以及展会等中一系列活动的产生，迈阿密已经向成为世界上最具吸引力和竞争力的城市迈了一大步。从它和艺术的关系中我们可以学到重要的几点。

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·Shifting the “Center of Gravity” There is a current trend within the art world, from which cities can learn and strategize. For about two centuries, Paris was known as the “center” of the western art world. Works of art in various mediums were brought from all over the world to galleries, museums, and other major institutions in the French capital. Paris would be eventually overtaken by New York City as the art world’s center, due to a number of reasons including the emerging class of wealthy art collectors. This growing class of economically elite individuals seeking to establish themselves with expansive and impressive personal collections used a mixture of ambition and philanthropy to finance the development of museums and other cultural institutions that brought large and rare collections into public view, cultivating a public appetite for this particular type of culture. New York City’s claim as the top city for the arts is still true, but other cities have emerged as contenders for global relevance along this particular parameter. Dubai and other cities in the Middle East, where sovereign wealth funds have invested significant sums to build impressive art collections and buildings to house them, are now poised to overtake New York and become places where the most impressive art can be found.

转移“重力中心” 艺术世界现在有个趋势，城市们都可以从中有所学有所获。巴黎在长达两个世纪的时间里一直被当做西方艺术世界的中心。世界各地不同形式的艺术作品被送到这座法国首都的画廊、博物馆和其他主要机构。巴黎艺术世界中心的地位最终会被纽约取代，原因有很多，包括富有艺术收藏家阶层的兴起。这些经济富足的人士希望通过大量、出彩的收藏立足社会。他们野心勃勃，以慈善的名义资助博物馆和其他文化机构的发展，使得大件和稀有的藏品进入大众视野，大众也开始慢慢接受欣赏这种文化。纽约号称艺术的最高城市，这仍然是无可争议的，但是其他城市纷纷努力向其靠近。在迪拜和其他中东城市，主权财富基金中大量资金被投资建立令人印象深刻的艺术收藏品以及陈列它们的建筑。这些城市正准备着取代纽约，成为可以找到最令人印象深刻的艺术品的地方。

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Miami cannot compete with New York, Paris, or Dubai using the same strategy simply because it doesn’t have the ability to bring such vast resources (historic, economic) to bear. The city does have a tremendous amount of appeal for numerous reasons. The city is well positioned as a hub for financial transactions and acquisitions taking place between North American and Latin American counterparts. Its creative sector is fairly robust, rapidly expanding beyond the luxuryfocused businesses that dominated many of its more prominent areas. It is also high-caliber tourist destination for many individuals, ranging from young college students to world-renowned musicians, celebrities, and professional athletes. The city’s climate is also particularly attractive, especially during the winter months when events such as the World Music Conference occur. The city has effectively managed to find the right combination of local art and design culture, events that attract major players, and an interesting urban environment to stake a claim as a major player in the art world. Cities can successfully achieve what Miami has achieved in other areas such as food, music, and sports.

迈阿密无法用同样的方法与纽约、巴黎、或迪拜媲美，仅仅因为它没有带来如此巨大的资源（历史或经济资源）的能力。这个城市却有很多其他的魅力因素。它地理位置优越，是北美和拉美城市金融贸易和收购的枢纽。它的创意产业很发达，快速发展，不再拘泥于控制它很多有名地区的奢侈品行业。迈阿密对很多人来说也是高质量的旅游目的地，从青年大学生到世界著名的音乐家、名人和职业运动员。它的气候也十分宜人，尤其是冬季，世界音乐会议也会在这时召开。成功地结合当地艺术和设计文化，吸引主要参与者的活动以及有趣的城市环境使得迈阿密可以在艺术世界占据一席之地。其他城市也可以像迈阿密一样在诸如食品、音乐、运动的其他领域取得成功。

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·Art Basel In 1968, Ernst Beyeler, Trudi Bruckner, and Balz Hilt, three relatively successful art gallerists in the small city of Basel, Switzerland, came together to develop an art fair focused on contemporary and modern art. While contemporary art was not particularly popular worldwide, the three sought to establish a Swiss fair focused on the type of art that, until that year, only had one other fair in relatively nearby Cologne, Germany.1 Beyler, whose foundation and museum currently support and house one of the premier art collections in Europe, used his relatively well-developed connections forged as a buyer and seller within the modern art world to bring premier work into the fair as well as serious collectors. 2,3 This helped the fair quickly develop a reputation. The first show featured 90 galleries and 30 publishers, which attracted an attendance of about 16,000 visitors from around the world.4 With the rise of art fairs around the world in the 1970s that could offer competition and saturate the market, it was critical to establish Art Basel as a key destination that deserved priority in the minds of exhibitors, viewers, and collectors. Art Basel’s quick growth saw the number of exhibitors almost triple within 5 years, with more than double the number of visitors to the annual fair. To this day, the fair still features nearly 300 exhibitors, but with a much greater visitor count. Art Basel has also expanded outside of its gallery style to include a number of other sections featuring performance art, experimental art, interviews or talks, and film. Spatially, the fair has also expanded to include Basel’s iconic cultural institutions, representing a citywide effort to establish the fair as the most important modern and contemporary art destination and event in the world.

巴塞尔艺术展 1968 年，瑞士小城巴塞尔的三个小有名气的艺术画廊主 Ernst Beyeler、 Trudi Bruckner 和 Balz Hilt 聚在一起，举办一次以现当代艺术为主题的艺术节。尽管当代艺术并不是十分流行，他们三个还是决定举办一次瑞士艺术节，而当时只有比较临近的德国科隆有过一次以当代艺术为主题的艺术节。1Beyler 的基金会和博物馆现在资助并陈列一个欧洲首屈一指的艺术收藏品。他利用自己现代艺术世界卖家兼买家身份发展的比较强大的关系网，使得这个首屈一指的藏品走进艺术展，也吸引了很多严肃的收藏家。2,3 这使得艺术展迅速闻名。第一场展览有 90 个美术馆和 30 个出版商，吸引了世界各地约 1.6 万游客。4 上世纪 70 年代，随着世界各地艺术展的兴起，竞争日益激烈，市场逐渐饱和，对巴塞尔艺术展来说成为展商、观众和收藏家心中首选的重要目的地十分关键。巴塞尔艺术展发展迅速，5 年内展商数量几乎增长了两倍，年度展会的游客增加一倍以上。到今天，展会仍然有近 300 个展商，游客数量大大增多。它也不再拘泥于画廊形式，而是包括了很多其他部分，像表演艺术、实验艺术、采访或谈话、电影。空间上，艺术展也逐步拓展，纳入了一些巴塞尔标志性的文化机构，这标志着全市将合力将艺术展打造成世界上最重要的现当代艺术胜地和活动。

1. http://www.theartnewspaper.com/articles/Forty-years-of-Art-Basel%20/17463 2. http://www.fondationbeyeler.ch/en/Museum/History 3. http://www.theartnewspaper.com/articles/Forty-years-of-Art-Basel%20/17463 4. https://www.artbasel.com/en/About-Art-Basel/History

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·Art Basel Miami Beach In 1999, Art Basel representatives approached Art Miami, which in its own right was an impressive fair drawing tens of thousands to the city, seeking a partnership. Art Miami’s organizer, David Lester, felt like a collaborative effort could work while local politicians openly supported the potential infusion of a globally recognizable organization boosting local art culture in the city.5

迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展 1999 年，巴塞尔艺术展的代表们来到了迈阿密艺术展寻求合作。迈阿密艺术展令人印象深刻，吸引了上万的游客。迈阿密艺术展的组织者 David Lester 觉得可以合作，但是当地政客却公开支持全球闻名的组织巴塞尔艺术展加入迈阿密艺术展以发展当地的艺术文化。5

5. Elisa Turner, “Swiss Exhibitor Asking to Share in Art Miami’s Success,” The Miami Herald, 15 Jan 1999, sec. Local, p. 28.

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The following year, Art Basel signed to join Art Miami in an endeavor to expand and jointly form what would become one of the most impressive art fairs in the United States and in the world. Miami is situated in a prime location that could serve as the fair’s contemporary and modern art outpost, conveniently situated between the North American and Latin American markets, both incredibly important to sustaining Art Basel’s international success and long-term global appeal. It represents the expansion of the art world both in terms of reach and accessibility with an additional platform for emerging artists and galleries.6 More than a decade old, the fair has become extremely successful, driving trends in the contemporary and modern art world at large and generating significant attention. Significant economic activity is also generated, with an increasingly pricey list of works being sold for ever-higher amounts. In 2011, an estimated $2.5 billion worth of art was on sale from nearly 300 vendors at the fair. Individual pieces sold for as much as $2.4 million, with other artists nearly reaching that amount through the sale of multiple works at lesser prices.7 2012 saw many individual pieces clear the million-dollar mark, including a sale price upwards of $6.5 million for work by American painter-photographer Richard Prince.8 In 2013, a reported 75,000 people visited during the show, which featured over $3 billion worth of art for sale. Sales reached over $100 million at Art Miami, another local art fair.9

第二年，巴塞尔艺术展签约加入迈阿密艺术展，希望合力发展成美国乃至世界上最知名的艺术展。迈阿密地理位置优越，可以作为展会现当代艺术的前哨战。它位于北美和拉美市场之间，而这两个市场对维持巴塞尔艺术展国际上的成功以及长期全球吸引力异常重要。它代表着艺术世界影响范围和可达性的扩大，为新兴艺术家和画廊主们提供额外的平台。6 展会历史长达十多年，如今已十分有名。它推动了现当代艺术世界的趋势，引起各方广泛关注。它也推动了重大经济活动的产生，出售的艺术品数量越来越多，价格也越来越高。 2011 年，约 300 个卖主在展会上出售了近 25 亿美元的作品。单件作品售价甚至高达 240 万，其他艺术家作品售价稍低一点，但是多件作品加起来也差不多可以达到该数字。72012 年很多单件作品售价再创新高，其中美国画家兼摄影师 Richard Prince 的一件作品卖到了 650 万美元。82013 年据报道 7.5 万人参观了展会，艺术品售价高达 30 亿美元。另一个地方艺术展迈阿密艺术展销售高达 1 亿美元。9

6. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/13/arts/13iht-rartdubai13.html? _r=0 7. http://www.artnet.com/magazineus/news/artmarketwatch/miami-art-week-sales-12-6-11.asp 8. http://www.blouinartinfo.com/news/story/845952/sales-at-art-basel-miami-beach-gather-momentum-on-the-fairs 9. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/12/09/art-basel-sales_n_4415073.html

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Some argue that Art Basel Miami Beach is now one of the most prestigious art shows in the western hemisphere, largely due to the exhibitors, artists, designers, celebrities, and buyers it attracts.10 A multitude of events, fairs, exhibitions, and shows, some similar in style and complementing the overall offerings found at Art Basel have also appeared in Miami, catering to the multitude of visitors looking to invest in pieces made by established artists as well as up-and-comers.11 This trend speaks to the interest generated around Art Basel and the various cultural markets that are activated both socially and economically. Specifically for Miami, this “Art Week”, which takes place in December, is attractive both as a cultural event and an opportunity to enjoy a great vacation during a time that features mostly unpleasant weather throughout the rest of the U.S. However, the most important thing about Art Basel has been about how it shifted the world’s attention on Miami’s Wynwood and Design District neighborhoods, both drivers of the city’s creative world. The tens of thousands of visitors that come to both neighborhoods during the fair provide exposure for artists and designers. They also give the city a cultural cache that is unique among global cities.

Art Basel largely provides benefit as a platform for galleries to expose the work of their emerging and wellknown talents. By encouraging a somewhat democratic level of access to art and creating opportunities for interactions as well as transactions that support the industry at large, Art Basel has managed to capitalize on the growing impact of art and design on the world and become a successful event that supports more than the arts. This helped increase the profile of Miami as a hub of art and design and subsequently pushed the growth of its art community further in conjunction with other concurrent fairs. Art Basel Miami Beach has had less of an impact in this role due to the already robust number of events and exhibitions in the city. However, it has managed to bring attention to Miami as an important place where great art is being made, sold, and talked about.

一些人认为迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展之所以现在成为西半球最有声望的艺术展之一主要归功于它吸引的参展商、艺术家、设计师、名人和买家。10 巴塞尔艺术展上很多活动、展会、展览、演出也出现在迈阿密，它们很多风格相似、相得益彰，满足了众多希望投资著名艺术家和后起之秀作品的游客需求。11 这种趋势证明了巴塞尔艺术展的吸引力以及社会上、经济上被激活的各种文化市场。尤其对迈阿密来说，12 月的“文化周” 不仅仅是因为文化活动而引人入胜，也是因为在美国其他地区大都天气不好的时候在这儿却可以享受愉悦的假期。怀恩伍德艺术区和迈阿密设计区是迈阿密创新世界两大驱动者，巴塞尔艺术展最重要的就是如何把世界的关注聚焦在它们身上。展会期间这两个区域游客成千上万。它们也给这座城市带来了独一无二的文化珍宝。

巴塞尔艺术展给画廊们带来好处，为它们展示后起之秀和知名艺术家的作品提供了平台。通过提供相对民主的接近艺术的机会以及为支持该产业的互动和交易创造机会，巴塞尔艺术展成功地运用了艺术与设计对世界日益增强的影响，并成为一个不仅仅拘泥于艺术的成功活动。这有助于提升迈阿密作为艺术与设计枢纽的形象，随后推动了它的艺术社区与同时期其他展会进一步共同发展。迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展活动和展会已经很多，所以在这方面影响就较小。然而，它成功地吸引世界聚焦迈阿密，这是制作、出售、谈论伟大艺术的重要地方。

10. http://wlrn.org/post/what-art-basel-has-done-miami 11. http://blogs.miaminewtimes.com/cultist/2012/11/art_basel_miami_beach_2012_art.php

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·Wynwood and the Miami Design District Many cities use major events as opportunities to boost local development projects, particularly in areas that are in need of economic activity and revitalization. For Miami, this is not the case, as the two primary neighborhoods that feature significant arts presence and would otherwise have much to gain from Art Basel, don’t actually need it to thrive. However, they have managed to benefit in ways that are (economic activity, real estate) and aren’t tangible (influence).

怀恩伍德艺术区和迈阿密设计区许多城市利用重大事件为契机促进当地的发展项目，特别是在需要经济活动和振兴的地区。迈阿密则不同，它不需要这样做，因为它的两个文化气息浓厚的社区可以从巴塞尔艺术展中收获很多。然而，它们成功地从实体（经济活动、地产）、非实体（影响力）中获利。

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Art Basel Miami Beach also helps spur additional interest in a host of arts-based organizations, galleries, and institutions that are geared towards the community, city, and surrounding region. The Wynwood district, is widely known as the hub of art and design in the city, specifically features numerous galleries and creative communities that support one another and continue to produce some of the most interesting and cutting-edge art in the North American market. It is comprised of nearly a hundred or so blocks north of downtown Miami. Next to Wynwood is the Design District, largely comprised of warehouses and galleries in the past that have since been converted to high-end retail, restaurants, and creative industry/service offices. Though the event itself is held at the beach away from the district, it has benefitted from the popularity of the city’s art scene.

Art Basel Miami Beach is primarily located MidBeach (north of the famed South Beach) away from Wynwood and the Design District, but its rise is largely reflects the successful integration of the local, regional, national, and international in the creative realm. The fair and the two neighborhoods are now critical to each other’s existence, the former benefitting more from the latter. The fair’s growth and development is attributable to the already robust creative presence in Miami as well as the physical space that allows it to grow alongside other art and design related attractions. At the same time, Art Basel has significantly increased the profile of both neighborhoods. Art Basel Miami Beach to some extent attempts to capture some of the Wynwood neighborhood’s identity with an exhibit featuring famous artists invited to create murals of their own. Many point towards this deliberate signs of a thriving artist community that is both relevant and influential as one of the key factors in the continued growth and investment occurring in the city. This activity is both fulfilling greater economic development goals for Miami and boosting its national and international profile.12 12. http://architizer.com/blog/miami-wynwood/

迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展也有助于刺激对一系列艺术性的面向社区、城市和周边环境的组织、画廊和机构。怀恩伍德艺术区作为城市的艺术和设计枢纽远近闻名，尤其以相互支持的众多画廊和创意社区出名，它们继续创造出北美市场最有趣、最前沿的艺术。它是由近一百块迈阿密市区以北的街区组成的。怀恩伍德附近就是迈阿密艺术设计区，过去这片区域主要都是仓库和画廊，现在已经成了高端零售、餐馆、创意产业和服务办公室。尽管活动是在区域外的海滩举行，它也得益于城市的艺术场景知名度。

迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展主要位于海滩中间（著名的南海滩以北），远离怀恩伍德艺术区和迈阿密设计区，但是它的兴起很大程度上反映了当地、区域、国家和国际世界在创意领域的融合。艺术展和这两个社区对彼此都至关重要，前者从后者上获益更多。艺术展的崛起和发展不仅归功于迈阿密原本已经强大的创造性，还归功于允许它沿着其他艺术与设计相关景点扩张的实际空间。同时，巴塞尔艺术展还大大提升了这两个社区的形象。迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展在某种程度上试图通过受邀做壁画的著名艺术家的展品来捕捉伍德艺术区的特性。种种情况都表明这个繁荣的艺术社区是该市不断发展、投资增长的主要因素之一。这项活动不仅帮迈阿密实现更大的经济发展目标，还有助于提升该市的国内和国际形象。12

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Wynwood is currently hailed as one of the more interesting art communities in the United States, with a history that lends itself to the common pattern of neighborhood turnover and eventual gentrification. Throughout the mid 20th century, the area was a destination for Puerto Ricans arriving from the island or northern cities. The neighborhood also featured a significant portion of Miami’s manufacturing and warehouses.

Much like the manufacturing areas of other cities, the Wynwood area experienced the vacancy that accompanies a relative decline in factory work. Though the area’s vibrant community was not lost, many buildings stood unused and vacant. Despite a reputation as a particularly dangerous neighborhood in the 1980s, Wynwood was the place where individuals could find some of the most relevant, interesting, and contemporary furniture, home goods, and art.13 Artists, many specializing in street art (particularly murals and graffiti) began moving into the warehouse spaces that offered the room to grow and affordability so desired. Murals can be found everywhere in Wynwood, adding to the neighborhood’s character and providing a visual language that sets a creative, playful, and ultimately exploratory tone within both public and private spaces. This is a stark contrast to other cities, where either law or general community opposition stifles the enjoyment of murals and public art along large walls. This is understandable to some extent, as various studies of urban space point towards the perceived danger that similar work might evoke (though the saturation seen in Wynwood is on a different level entirely). Ultimately, the neighborhood has truly become a destination in its own right with a unique character that would allow it to thrive independently, which is critical to maximizing the impact of an event like an art fair or festival.

目前被誉为美国一个更有趣的艺术社区，它是从一个日渐破败的市区被改造为中产阶级居住区。二十世纪中期，该地区是从岛上或北方城市来的波多黎各人的目的地。该地区也是迈阿密制造业和仓储的重要部分。

和其他城市的制造区域一样，怀恩伍德艺术区也曾经历过工厂作业相对减少的萧条期。尽管一些生气蓬勃的社区还在，很多建筑都是闲置的。尽管 20 世纪 80 年代该区被认为是特别危险的社区，人们却可以在怀恩伍德区发现一些最有意义、有趣和当代的家具、家居用品和艺术。13 很多街头艺术家（尤其是壁画和涂鸦）开始搬到仓库区，这儿他们可以自由发展，而且负担得起房租。怀恩伍德区到处都有壁画，增添了城市的特色。这种视觉语言为公共和私人空间设置了一种创造性的、有趣的、最终探索的音调。在其他城市，法律或一般公众的反对往往扼杀了大墙面上壁画和公共艺术的乐趣。怀恩伍德与它们形成了鲜明对比。这在一定程度上是可以理解的，因为很多城市空间的研究表明相似的工作会引发危险（尽管怀恩伍德区的饱和度完全在一个不同的水平上）。最终该区已真正成为一个有独特个性的目的地。它的独特个性让它独立茁壮成长，这对最大化像艺术展或是节日这样的事件的影响力至关重要。

13. http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2013/12/04/graffiti-covered-wynwood-is-quickly-becoming-miami-s-hippest-newneighborhood.html

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The area where Miami’s Design District is currently located was formerly known as part of Buena Vista, a larger, primarily residential neighborhood. Through the 1980s and 90s, the section comprised of warehouses and other empty storefronts fell into disuse and disrepair. The neighborhood’s revitalization is largely responsible due to the vision of developer Craig Robins (and his firm Dacra), who purchased many underutilized properties in the area and repositioned them as opportunities for development with the infusion of international art galleries, top restaurants, and high-end retailers. Robins replaced older buildings with new structures featuring ambitious and particularly interesting architecture, attracting design firms and other similarly creative tenants with national and international reputations.

The Design District is seen as having a different (in terms of income) but complementary target market to Wynwood. This presents a unique challenge as the specter of gentrification haunts the area, threatening to price out members of the thriving artist community and losing ground on the goal of maintaining of a globally renowned arts district.

迈阿密设计区当前所在地的前身是 Buena Vista 的一部分。Buena Vista 是个更大的住宅区为主的区域。20 世纪 80 年代和 90 年代，主要是仓库和空店面的一带废弃失修。社区的复兴主要归功于开发商 Craig Robins（和他的公司 dacra），他在这带买了很多未尽其用的地产，并把它们重新定位，很多国际艺术画廊、顶级餐厅、高端零售商纷纷入驻。Robins 拆除了旧建筑，取而代之的是雄壮的、特别有趣的建筑，吸引了蜚声国内外的设计公司和其他一样有创意的租户。

迈阿密设计区的目标市场和怀恩伍德不同（就收入而言），但却互补。中产阶级化的幽灵出没该区，蓬勃发展的艺术社区的成员们面临支付能力有限的威胁，可能无法实现维持该区世界闻名的艺术区的目标，这是个独特的挑战。

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结论

·Conclusion Art Basel Miami Beach is an incredible art fair that has capitalized on the growth and expansion of the city’s art and design scene. It has effectively harnessed local creativity and made Miami a major player in the art world. Cities can learn from this example and replicate the city’s successes in other sectors, primarily cultural, thus boosting their prospects in an increasingly competitive economic landscape.

迈阿密海滩巴塞尔艺术展十分不可思议，它成功地利用城市艺术与设计场景的发展与扩张。它有效利用当地的创新，使迈阿密在艺术世界占据一席之地。其他城市可以向它学习，在其他领域复制它的成功，可能主要是文化领域，以此在竞争日益激烈的经济形势下创造更好的发展前景。

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Four Supplementary Initiatives to Promote Shared Responsibility in the Provision of Chengdu’s Social Services 促进成都社会服务共有责任的四项补充措施 Luke Z. Yarabe, Harvard University

·Introduction How can a city ask its residents to become more invested in the provision of social services? This question requires one to first understand the current responsibilities of the citizen and the moral climate in China.

In contemporary Chengdu a citizen has at the bare minimum the following responsibilities: educating herself, finding a good job, finding a good marriage partner, finding a good home, raising a good family, and caring for her parents and grandparents. These responsibilities have gotten easier to accomplish in some respects and harder to accomplish in others. For example, the

摘要一个城市怎样才能使居民更加投入到社会服务中？这个问题需要我们先去了解公民的当前责任和中国的道德风气。

在当代成都，一个公民至少应当尽到以下责任：自我教育，找个好工作，找个好对象，找个好住处，养好家庭，照顾好父母和祖父母。在某些方面，这些责任已经变得容易实现了，但在另一些方面，却变得更难了。例如，政府提

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government’s role in providing free and compulsory education until high school as well as its role in providing numerous opportunities for her to attend university means she can achieve her goal of attaining a good education more easily than her parent’s generation. But her ability to find a good job or pay for a home in the city may be becoming harder not easier to accomplish, due to a slightly slowing down of the economy and perhaps expectations among her generation that may be drifting further from reality in the past decade. She executes her responsibilities within a web of relationships common to all Chinese, filial relationships, professional relationships, and her relationship and responsibility to the government.

The moral climate in China, however, at least from the outsider's perspective, begs the question of the citizen's responsibility to her fellow residents. We read news reports and hear stories about citizen’s disregard for the wellbeing of their fellow residents: the incident involving a 2-year-old’s death in Foshan two years ago, elderly residents accusing passers-by solely to extort them, foreigners saving resident’s lives while citizens stand by.1 Business and government are not immune to moral failings as well: we hear stories of restaurants using gutter oil to cook food served to customers, of factories tainting milk powder sold to babies, and of ministries approving projects such as high-speed railways that may be unsafe for its citizens and then hindering subsequent investigations. Of course these are merely extreme examples of a failure of morality but when juxtaposed with the citizen’s mounting responsibilities, it is easy to see how a citizen can become “vexed” (fan zao) and pessimistic.2

供至高中为止的免费义务教育，还提供很多上大学的机会，这意味着跟父母那一代人相比，她可以更容易地实现自己获得良好教育的目标。但是，由于经济发展略微放缓，以及在过去的十年里，她们这一代人的期望值有点脱离了现实，所以要想找到一份好工作或者要在城市买得起房子，没有变容易，反而变得更难了。她在中国人共有的关系网络中履行着自己的责任，这一网络包括子女关系，职业关系，自己与政府的关系以及对政府的义务。

然而，至少从局外人的角度看来，中国的道德风气回避了公民对其同胞们的责任。我们通过新闻报道听说了一些中国公民漠视同胞幸福的事情：这个故事是关于两年前佛山一个 2 岁孩子的死亡，老年居民仅仅为了敲诈而指责路人，外国人出来救人的命，而中国人却在袖手旁观。1 企业和政府也没有免于道德缺失：我们听说餐馆用地沟油来烹调食物，工厂出售腐坏的婴儿奶粉，有关部门批准了一些存在安全隐患的项目（如高速铁路），还妨碍随后的调查。当然，这些仅仅是道德失败的极端事例，但是当把这些事例与公民的日渐增多的责任并置时，就很容易明白公民是如何变得“烦躁”、悲观的了。2

1. http://www.sfgate.com/world/article/Incidents-provoke-talk-of-moral-collapse-in-China-2325904.php 2. http://books.google.com/books?id=QJVv8vrZ3fkC&lpg=PA36&ots=bvKYlL4_0e&dq=fan%20zao%20 vexed&pg=PA36#v=onepage&q=fan%20zao%20vexed&f=false

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·Part 1: ResidentEmpowerment Policies Introduction to ResidentEmpowerment Policies If a city can accept my diagnosis of the citizen as one experiencing a “divided self,”3 that is, the split and discordance of an individual’s interiority due to hidden and conflicted values, in the face of her mounting responsibilities to herself and to her fellow residents, the policies it proposes should reflect such an understanding. Is it fair to ask residents to become more invested in the provision of social services? I think it is. I want to offer two ways, through policy initiatives, in which the city can ask its residents to become more invested in social services. These initiatives directly empower residents right now with the goal of making them more capable of providing social services in their daily lives and in their professional lives as they grow up. Moreover, these initiatives should not cost the government any money. They are outlined below. The first policy is to require primary and secondary school students to participate in at least one “team-based” extracurricular activity apart from their studies. The second policy is to encourage more professional schools (business and medical schools for example) in the city to implement more deferred-admissions programs because these programs allow students to consider riskier opportunities in the two or three years before they enter professional school. I will explain the two policy initiatives below.

第一部分：授权居民政策授权居民政策简介如果一个城市能认同我对公民的诊断——在面对对自己和同胞逐渐增多的责任时，他们经历着“分裂的自我”，3 即由于隐藏矛盾的价值观导致的个人内在分裂，那么城市的提出的政策就应该反映这样一种理解。要求居民更加投入到社会服务中，这公平吗？我认为是公平的。我想提供两种利用政策措施的方法，帮助城市使居民更加投入到社会服务之中。这些举措直接赋予居民权利，目标是使他们随着自己的成长，变得更有能力在日常生活和职业生活提供社会服务。另外，这些举措不应该花费任何政府资金。概述如下：第一个政策是要求中小学生参加至少一个学业之外的“团队” 的课外活动。第二个政策是鼓励城市中的更多专业学校（如商学院和医学院）实施延迟录取项目，因为这些项目允许学生在进入专业学校之前的两三年内考虑更加冒险的机会。下面我将对这两项政策进行解释。

3. http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(11)60295-X/fulltext

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Policy 1: Require team-based activities for primary and secondary school students How can a city ask its residents to become more invested in the provision of social services if the resident has little to no experience caring for residents outside his close network of family or friends? This policy addresses a gap may exist between residents of China and residents of countries such as the United States. The gap is one of participation in team or group extra-curricular activities. I do not mean to say that there is a municipal policy in the United States that requires students to participate in at least one team-based activity but the phenomenon definitely seems more prevalent in the United States than in China. By the end of high school, many American students find themselves involved in many team based activities such as team sports, choir, show choir, student government, culture clubs, even part-time jobs that require coordination among workers such as cashiering at a local grocery store. At least at my public high school in Lincoln, Nebraska, students were encouraged to be more involved with their fellow students through offerings of what felt like more than 100 student groups. Every year when selecting courses, our parents and counselors would remind us to balance our coursework with our extra-curricular commitments. Sometimes those commitments were solitary activities such as the sport karate or practicing saxophone or learning calligraphy, but more often than not, students were active participants in teambased activities as well. While there may not be any hard data to confirm any causation between participation in team-based activities and level of commitment to the provision of social services after high school, surely participation in such activities should not discourage commitment to such services. This policy can also be effective because it signals to students at an early age, as early as primary school if the city wants, that success requires teamwork, not merely a singular devotion an activity or subject for an examination.

政策 1：要求中小学生参加“团队”活动如果居民少有甚至没有关心家人或朋友之外同胞的经验，一个城市又怎么能要求居民更加投入于社会服务呢？这一政策提出了中国居民和美国等国家居民之间的差别。这个差别是对团队或群体课外活动的参与度。我不是想说在美国有市政政策要求学生参加至少一项 “团队”活动，不过在美国这一现象确实比中国普遍。在高中结束时，许多美国学生发现自己参与了很多团队活动，如体育队、合唱团、艺术表演团、学生自治会、文化俱乐部，甚至是需要员工协调的兼职工作，如在当地杂货店做收银员。至少在我位于内布拉斯加州林肯市公立高中，学校鼓励学生服务于 100 多个学生群体，以更好地融入同学当中。每年选课的时候，父母和辅导员都会提醒我们要平衡好课业与课外活动的关系。有时课外活动是独自进行的，如竞技空手道、吹萨克斯或学书法，但是通常学生们也会积极参加团队活动。虽然可能没有任何确凿的数据来证实参加团体活动与高中毕业后参与社会服务之间存在因果关系，但确定的是，参与这些活动一定不会成为人们参与社会服务的阻碍因素。若城市需要，这项政策在学生们年纪很小的时候（早在小学）就向学生们说明，成功需要团队合作，而不只是依靠个人的单独奉献，这也是政策奏效的方面。

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For this policy to be effective, teachers and administrators would have to monitor a student’s participation in a team-based activity maybe once a semester and encourage the student to participate in a team-based activity if the student is not a participant of one. I do not think it is too much to ask of teachers to conduct such an examination of their students’ activities.

Requiring or promoting team-based activities among primary and secondary school students could help students of what some call a “me-first” generation4 to develop the kinds of skills in teamwork and empathy that companies and governments require in the 21st century. Such soft-skills will be important to developing the human capital in Chengdu moving forward. 4. http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/737768.shtml

为了使政策奏效，老师和管理员们需要监督学生参与团队活动，可以是一学期一次，如果有学生一项活动也没有参与，就要鼓励其参加。我认为要求老师对学生活动进行考核并不过分。

要求或促进中小学生参加团队活动能够帮助那些所谓的“以我为先”4 的学生培养在 21 世纪公司和政府所要求的团队协作能力和同感能力。在成都向前迈进的过程中，这些软实力对于发展人力资本是十分重要的。

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Policy 2: Encourage more deferredadmissions programs in post graduate school admissions programs How can a city ask a student to become more invested in the provision of social services if the student feels intense pressure to find high-paying employment after graduating from college? For one, work in the social services sector may not be as appealing due to lower salaries, or an arduous process of test-taking and guanxi-building, which is required in many cases to work in government. In many cases, if the student endeavors to begin working after college or vocational school, there may be little that the government can do to alter the requirements and incentives that companies have in terms of hiring young graduates. However, the city can flex its policy muscles when it comes to further education. For students looking for post-graduate opportunities, the existence of deferred-admissions programs, at least in the United States, play a huge role in helping to determine the paths students take to start their careers.

Deferred-admissions programs are admissions programs administered by schools of post-graduate training that allow students entrance to their institutions with the caveat that these students can spend one to three years working or engaging in a project of their own choosing prior to entering graduate school.5 These programs can both be specific to certain types of students, such as STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math) majors for example, or can be unwritten but encouraged traditions of taking time off before entering a postgraduate institution, such as what exists at the Harvard Medical School for example.

政策 2：在研究生学校录取项目中鼓励更多延迟录取项目如果学生在大学毕业后对寻求高薪工作感到压力巨大，一个城市又怎么能要求学生更加投入于社会服务呢？一方面，在社会服务行业工作可能不具有吸引力，由于工资低，应试辛苦和建立关系艰难等因素，而且若想在政府工作后者是必须的。在很多情况下，如果学生在大学或职业学校毕业之后就尝试开始工作，政府就很难改变公司在招聘年轻毕业生方面的要求和奖励措施了。然而，在继续教育方面，政府就可以采取政策措施了。对于寻求研究生学习机会的学生，延迟录取项目的存在，至少在美国，对帮助学生确定其职业方向起到了巨大的作用。

延迟录取项目由研究生培养学校管理，允许学生进入学校学习，条件是在进入研究生学校之前，这些学生可以花一到三年工作或从事自己选择的项目。5 这些录取项目既特定适用于某些类型的学生，如 STEM（科学，技术，工程和数学）专业，也不成文地鼓励学生在进入研究生学校之前抽出一部分时间进行学习，如哈佛医学院的现存制度。

5. http://www.gsb.stanford.edu/programs/mba/admission/application-materials/college-seniors For difference between deferred and direct admissions process

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Harvard Business School’s Deferred-Admission’s Program6

Why could the implementation of a policy to encourage more deferred-admissions programs in post graduate schools admissions programs prove effective for the provision of social services? From anecdotal evidence that I’ve heard while on campus at Harvard University, deferred-admissions programs reduce the risk of participating in a more risky, less traditional endeavor after college, whether through a less traditional job opportunity, a community service project, or a language and cultural immersion in a disadvantaged community. From my understanding, most students would hesitate to choose these less traditional endeavors if they did not know that they would enroll in an institute of postgraduate training upon completing their endeavor. The deferred-admissions policy among medical schools in the United States was a strong factor in helping one of my best friends to pursue building a community service project in South Africa which

为什么在研究生学校招生项目中实施这样一项鼓励延迟录取项目的政策能够对提供社会服务有帮助？我曾经听说过在哈佛大学，延迟录取项目降低了学生们在大学毕业后进行更冒险、非传统尝试的风险，不管是从事非传统工作、加入社区服务计划或者专注于弱势群体语言和文化的研究。在我看来，如果不知道自己在尝试过后还能够进入研究生培养学校学习的话，大多数学生是不愿意进行这些非传统尝试的。美国的医学院实行的延迟录取政策是帮助我最好的朋友们在南非建立起社会服务项目的一个强有力的因素。这个项目负责教南非的贫困群体打篮球、读书写字。哈佛商

6. http://www.hbs.edu/mba/admissions/application-process/Pages/2-plus-2-application-process.aspx

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taught basketball and literacy to members of the underprivileged community. The deferred-admissions policy at Harvard Business School encouraged my brother to pursue his passion for promoting education and leadership in Japan as opposed to safer endeavors such as entering consulting or continuing his research in the biological sciences on campus. The deferredadmissions policy plays a crucial role for many students at Harvard and around America in helping them to lower the barriers to entry for endeavors in the social services sector. The city of Chengdu encourage such a policy by working with its institutes of post-graduate education to increase the percentage of students in the entering class of those institutions that are accepted under a deferred-admissions program. At the same time, the city can work with those institutions to promote the policy through requiring speaker panels, conducting studies of what students under those programs did in the intervening years, and possibly carving out a percentage of entry level government jobs in the social service sector for students of deferred-admissions programs.

学院的延迟录取政策鼓励我弟弟在日本继续追求他提升教育和领导力的热情，这个选择与稳妥地进入咨询公司或在学校继续研究生物科学截然相反。在哈佛大学和美国各地，延迟录取政策在对帮助学生降低进入社会服务业的门槛起着十分重要的作用。成都市通过与研究生教育机构合作，鼓励这一政策，以提高学生进入实施延迟录取项目的班级学习的比例。与此同时，全市可与这些机构合作，通过以下方式促进政策的实施：要求演讲者小组，调查这些项目之下学生们在中间年的活动，可能的话，获得加入延迟招生项目的学生进入社会服务行业工作的比例。

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·Part 2: Government-Funded Learning and Service Policies Introduction to Government-funded Policies The first two policy initiatives I outlined fall under the category of direct empowerment programs that also should not require the city to expend any funds. The next two initiatives both share a common theme of needing government funding but they differ in result. The first policy below is intended to provide information to students and workers interested in working for Chengdu’s Fortune 500 companies. The second policy is intended to provide more community service opportunities in the city. By providing more upto-date and useful information to its residents and more community service opportunities, the city encourages its residents to step up efforts to match their passions with job openings at competitive employers and to give back to their community in new ways.

第二部分：政府资助的学习与服务政策政府资助政策简介我概括的前两项政策措施应归入直接授权项目的类别，这些项目不需要城市的拨款。下面两项措施有一个共同的主题——需要政府提供资金，但是二者结果不同。下面第一项政策旨在为有意在成都财富 500 强公司工作的学生和工人提供信息。第二项政策旨在为城市内提供更多社区服务机会。通过向居民提供更多最新有效的信息和更多社区服务机会，城市鼓励居民加强努力来使自己的热情与职位空缺相符，并通过全新的方式回馈社区。

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Policy 1: Partner with Fortune 500 (F500) companies to customize an existing web-app7 tool for Chengdu students and workers Two years ago, the Fortune franchise created a web-app product. It costs $9 per year that allows the user to sort and filter the 1000 companies in the Fortune list, viewing by sector or industry, profit margins, return on assets, return on equity, sales, absolute profits, and more. One can also view news stories, short company biographies, link to the investor relations page to request annual reports, 10Ks, 10Qs, and other filings, etc. Users can also see which employees at a F500 company they have a relationship with (through the LinkedIn integration).

政策 1：与财富 500 强公司合作，为成都学生和工人定制一款现有的网络应用工具两年前，财富杂志创造了一款网络应用产品。它每年收取用户 9 美元，允许用户分类和筛选财富榜单上的 1000 家公司，可通过部门或行业、利润空间、资产收益率、股本回报、销售额、绝对利润等类别来进行查看。用户也可以阅览新闻故事、公司小传，链接到投资者关系页面来获取年度报表以及其他文件夹等。用户还可以看到他们与财富 500 强公司中的哪位员工有联系（通过领英人脉）。

This page ranks the companies by profits8 7. http://www.fortune500-app.com/ 8. http://www.joshuakennon.com/the-fortune-500-web-app-rules/

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This app is useful for analysts or salespeople who want a quick, easy-to-read, and comprehensive picture of a company and their contacts at that company. I think it could also be a very useful product for students and workers in Chengdu as a database for employees in Fortune 500 companies in Chengdu. Students that are job hunting can see who works at these companies, a little about their biographical and educational background, and reasons why they like working at that company. It could be one method by which recruiters from F500 companies communicate to college and vocational students for job openings and the kind of workers they want to hire. I think it could decrease the information gap between what companies in the area desire and what students from the area desire to know about the over 200 F500 companies operating in the city.

Initially, it would probably be the city’s responsibility to fund and oversee the creation of such a product in-house, or to assign its creation to a local mobile application development company. It would also be the responsibility of the city to decide who can have access to this premium information. The city can initially market the app solely to college and vocational school students by requiring a current college user-name and password during the authentication process to restrict access accordingly. The app would serve as a similar tool to college alumni databases in that these databases are also quite useful and also restricted to current and former students of their college.

这个应用对分析师或推销员这类需要获得某一公司快捷易读的综合情况和所在人脉的人十分有用。我认为它对于成都的学生和工人也会是一件有用的产品，可以用作成都财富 500 强公司员工的数据库。正在找工作的学生可以看看谁在这些公司工作，了解一点他们的传记和教育背景，以及他们为什么喜欢在这些公司工作。这可能是财富 500 强公司招聘专员与大学生、高职生以及他们想要招聘的员工进行交流的一种方法。我认为这能缩小公司的需求与学生想要了解这 200 所财富 500 强公司的意愿之间的信息差别。

首先，城市的责任是从内部来资助并监督这样一种产品的创造，或者将其分配给当地移动应用开发公司来开发。城市的责任还包括要决定谁可以获得这种信息。城市可以首先只向大学生和职业学校学生推出这款应用，在认证过程中要求一个现存的用户名和密码来限制使用权限。这款应用还可以作为一个类似于大学校友数据库的工具使用，因为这些数据库是十分有用，且只限于大学在读学生和毕业学生使用。

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This is a more detailed view of a company’s page9 Fortune 500 companies have a strong presence in Chengdu. In order to grow individually and foster economic growth for the whole city collectively, the city has given these companies preferred yet disproportionate access to land, labor, and capital. As a result, it is also the city’s responsibility to ensure that its education system has the information from these companies that it needs to ensure a smooth transition from school to employment by these companies. A policy to create this web-app would help its students to see how people just like them entered employment in these companies and what types of traits, experiences, and responsibilities these companies require for the positions available in Chengdu. This policy helps to provide a healthier learning environment in the city’s colleges, universities, and vocational colleges by making it more clear what these students should study, what experiences they should engage in, what skills they should develop, and perhaps even what aspects of their personality they should improve upon.

9. http://www.joshuakennon.com/the-fortune-500-web-app-rules/

财富 500 强公司在成都规模很大，十分重要。为了促进个体发展，并同时促进整个城市的经济增长，成都已经为这些公司提供了优先但比例失调的土地、劳动力和资本。因此，城市有责任保证其教育系统拥有来自这些公司的信息，要保证通过这些公司，实现从学校到就业的顺利过渡。开发这一网络应用的政策能够帮助学生了解像他们一样的人是如何进入这些公司的，了解想要获得这些公司在成都提供的职位，需要具备什么样的特点、经验和责任。通过让学生更加明白应该学什么，应该积累哪些经验，应该学习什么技能，甚至应该从哪些方面改进自己的性格，这项政策有助于在城市的学院、大学、职业学校中创造一个更健康的学习环境。

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Policy 2: Require any graduate student that receives city-funded financial aid to teach quarterly seminars, workshops, or bootcamps on the field of their choosing to employees in the city and countryside One way that the city can encourage its residents to give back to their community is to require graduate student residents who receive city funding to give back to their community by offering free shortcourses to knowledge-hungry workers. Such a policy initiative achieves the city’s desire to balance the role of government and the role of its residents in the provision of social services. For the graduate students, the few hours or so spent every three months giving back to their community through educating their community is a price they should be willing to pay as part of the package of financial aid they receive from their city. For the receivers of those seminars, the benefit of such a program could be huge. Both the manufacturing and service economy require employees to be life-long learners, regardless of whether they have enrolled or are concurrently enrolled in formal education. Leslie Chang’s Factory Girls,10 a story about the everyday lives of migrant laborers in southern China, reveals what workers truly desire: “what they really want is to learn.” These workers will soak up any forms of education available to them as long as it can help them do their jobs better or prepare them for their next job. These small, focused, graduate-studentled seminars would provide these workers with relevant, up-to-date information that these workers need to attain their goals of self-improvement and upward class mobility.

政策 2：要求接受政府经济资助的毕业生每季在自己领域的研讨会和训练营为城市和农村员工授课城市鼓励居民回到自己社区的一个方式是要求接受城市资助的毕业生回到自己的社区，为渴求知识的员工教授免费的短期课程。这样一项政策措施能够实现城市在社会服务中平衡政府角色和居民角色的愿望。对于毕业生来说，每三个月回到自己的社区中花费几小时时间来教育自己的社区，应该是他们为接受的城市经济援助愿意付出的代价。对于这些研讨会的学习者来说，这一项目的益处是巨大的。制造业和服务业经济都要求员工终身学习，不管他们是曾经接受过还是正在接受正规教育。张彤禾所著《打工女孩》10 讲述了在中国南方打工者日常生活，这本书反应了工人们真正渴望的东西：“他们真正想要的是学习。”这些工人们将会吸收他们能够获得的任何形式的教育，只要能够帮助他们把工作做得更好或者帮他们为下一份工作做准备。这些小型且重点突出的、由毕业生组织的研讨会将会为这些工人们提供相关的最新信息，他们需要这些信息来实现自我提升和向上层攀升的目标。

10. http://www.amazon.com/Factory-Girls-Village-Changing-China/dp/0385520182

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Let me illustrate a few examples. A PhD student in environmental policy or engineering could teach a seminar at a local factory on how to spot and mitigate sources of pollution. A business school student can teach service workers a bootcamp on efficiency and professionalism in the office. A medical school or public health student can teach a construction team how to develop healthy habits and respond to accidents to the body.

One obstacle to the success of this policy initiative will be the city’s ability to work with these graduate student “teachers” to supply them with “students” at employment sites and an environment in which the teacher can best teach the student. This may require the teacher to request a budget from the city or to borrow city-owned supplies from a central location to use in her seminars. These are not difficult challenges to overcome and the upside is a pool of talented graduate students supplying opportunities for workers in the city to access free and necessary education.

让我来举一些例子。一个学习环境政策或工程学的博士生可以在一个地方工厂就如何找出并控制污染源开一个研讨会。一个商学院学生可以为服务业工人就办公室里的效率和专业化开一个训练营。一个医学院或公共卫生专业的学生可以教施工队工人如何养成健康习惯和如何应对身体的意外伤害。

影响这一政策措施的一个阻碍将是城市是否有能力为这些毕业生“老师”在就业网站提供“学生”以及能够实现最好教学效果的环境。这可能要求老师向城市申请预算或向中央位置借用城市物资来用于研讨会教学。这些并不是难以克服的挑战，好的方面是，有一批有才华的毕业生能为城市中的工人提供免费并必需的教育。

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·Conclusion A city must balance the role of the citizen and the role of the government in the provision of social services. I believe I have outlined ways in which a city can do both: policies that directly empower the resident as well as policies that promote a healthier employment and community service environment. Because cities can have budgetary issues, I’ve included policies that are less expensive to implement as well as policies that require a larger amount of government funding. My journey to Chengdu in August 2013 and conversations with numerous city leaders in various departments led me to believe that the city has two major goals: it truly wants to lead the country in the provision of social services and it absolutely supports initiatives that enrich the quality of its human capital, including both its students and its workforce. These four policy initiatives are small but important steps Chengdu can take to reach its goals. Moreover, I would be honored to be a part of its efforts to implement these initiatives in the near future.

结论一个城市必须在社会服务中平衡居民角色和政府角色。我认为我已经概述了城市能够实现二者的方式：直接授权居民的政策以及能够促成一个更健康的就业和社区服务环境的政策。由于城市可能会有预算问题，所以我提到的政策都是实施起来较为省钱以及需要一大笔政府资助的政策。我 2013 年 8 月的成都之行以及与很多城市官员的交谈使我相信这座城市有两大目标：它真得的想要成为国内社会服务方面的领头羊，它也完全支持能够丰富人力资本的措施，包括学生和劳动力。这四项政策措施虽小，但是这是成都达成其城市目标的重要举措。另外，我很荣幸能为成都在不远的将来实施这些举措的努力中尽一份力。

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An Argument for Civil Society in Chengdu: a Review of International Cases 关于成都公民社会的讨论：国际案例回顾 Nicholas Phillips, Harvard University

·Introduction As a visitor to Chengdu earlier this year, I saw firsthand some of the numerous projects undertaken by the city to foster growth. From efforts to channel government seed funding to young entrepreneurs, to the development of the Tianfu high-tech zone, Chengdu is embarking on projects both large and small. The city has been successful so far, and has seen faster economic growth than the country average, in one of the most rapidly growing countries in the world. As Chengdu progresses towards becoming a modernized, international city, it will be fortunate enough to have a chance to look past mere economic growth for ways to improve the city.

摘要年初我到访成都，目睹了城市推动的大量项目在促进当地的经济增长。从政府引导青年创业的种子基金，到成都天府高新区的发展，成都正着手许多大小项目。迄今为止，成都实现了高于全国平均水平更快的经济增长速度，而中国亦是世界上经济增长最迅速的国家之一，在发展方面，这座城市取得了阶段性成功。成都正在向一个现代化、国际化的城市迈进，我们有幸能回顾它过去几年的经济增长方式，研究这些方法是如何提升整个城市的。

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As Chengdu reaches a new level of maturity as a city, it will be able to direct more of its energy towards focusing on the quality of life of its residents. Emphasis on a high quality of life is already present in Chengdu, and is particularly noticeable in the plans for the Tianfu zone. The high-tech zone in Tianfu presents a unique opportunity to make advance plans to ensure a high quality of life, but much of Chengdu is already urbanized and developed into residential, commercial, or industrial centers. A strategy for improving quality of life in existing urban centers, which has already been adopted by many innovative cities around the world, is to promote the generation of civil society structures, organized by and for the citizens.

Leading cities from all across the globe have started initiatives intended to improve civil society and seen remarkable results. A number of benefits from these programs have been documented, and scholars have argued that building a strong civil society can lead to everything from improved public health to more peaceful interactions with neighboring countries.

In this paper I will give an overview of the Civil Society Program in Jordan, known as the CSP. It is a particularly comprehensive project that encompasses several different initiatives, and sheds light on some best practices, as well as challenges, in implementing a program for promoting the development and impact of civil society. The CSP is relevant not only for its success but because the case of Jordan may be of particular interest to Chengdu.

成都的成熟化进程已达到了一个新高度，它能够将更多的资源重点分配到提高居民生活质量上去。成都开始注重居民的高品质的生活，在天府区发展规划中便尤其突出了这一点。天府高新区提前规划，提供机遇，来确保为高品质的生活水准。事实上，成都已经高度城市化，已经发展为集住宅中心、商业中心和工业中心为一体的城市。一项将现有城市中心发展成为高品质生活重心的战略规划即将出台，这一战略规划吸收了世界上许多先进诚实的经验，将会极大程度上推进公民社会的结构更迭，将由人民来施行，然后回馈于人民。

世界上一些发达城市已在积极探索公民社会的发展模式，成果显著。这些项目所带来的一连串的成效已经记录在案。相关学者表示，建立一个强大的公民社会将会促进社会各方面的发展，从公共健康到与改善邻国间关系等。

在本文中，我将引证约旦公民社会项目，简称为 CSP 项目。它是一个包含了几个不同倡议的尤其全面的计划，同时介绍了几种最佳解决方案，以及实施促进公民社会发展和影响的项目时可能会遇到的挑战。

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·CSP Program Civil Society is often championed as a vehicle to foment unrest, with civil organizations serving as breeding grounds for discontent. However, in Jordan just the opposite has been the case. Even before the Civil Society Program was conceived, scholars observed a trend within Jordanian civil society that pointed to linkages with the state.1 The trend was not towards uprising due to civil society, but towards greater government control. Civil Society effectively shines the light of day on activities that might otherwise be going on behind closed doors.

The CSP takes a comprehensive approach to affecting positive impact by supporting organizations at all stages of development. Their programs create an “enabling environment” that is hospitable to NGOs and encourages private citizens to take initiative themselves. The CSP also has an outreach and advocacy program that works through the media to encourage participation in civil organizations. Most importantly, the CSP works to strengthen and improve the impact of existing NGOs by making training courses and materials available. In addition, there is a grant program to provide money to NGOs that may see particular improvement if they are able to embark on capital projects which would be impossible without external funds.

约旦公民社会项目公民社会这个概念常常被冠以引发社会骚乱的车轮，而民间团体成为滋生愤懑的温床。然而，在约旦这些恰恰相反。在公民社会项目构想实现之前，专家学者观察到约旦公民社会萌芽的趋势，这个趋势是与国家保持更紧密联系 1，而不是煽动民众起义，反而是在公民社会的引导下寻求政府更强有力的管制。公民社会让所有事件暴露在阳光下，而不是关起门来暗箱操作。

CSP 项目用一个全面的方法，通过支持组织发展过程中的每一阶段来发挥它的正面影响。他们的项目建立了”授能环境”的概念，得到大量 NGO 组织的支持，同时鼓励民众积极主动地采取行动。CSP 同时有一个推广宣传的项目，与媒体合作，来鼓励广大民间团体的加盟。更为重要的是，CSP 通过培训课程和培训材料，加强和提高现有 NGO 组织的影响力。另外，这个项目为 NGO 筹资，这对他们想要从事金融项目而没有外部资金来源非常有效。

1. Quintan Wiktorowicz, “Civil Society as Social Control,” Comparative Politics, Vol. 33, No. 1 (Oct., 2000), pp. 43-61

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One of the major barriers to young NGOs is the unclear legal framework in which they operate. While the organizations often take on a corporatelike structure and benefit from this arrangement, they are not subject to the same rules governing for-profit entities. Navigating the regulations surrounding NGOs can be extremely difficult and hold organizations back as they get bogged down in complicated paperwork rather than pursuing their goals. The CSP partnered with the Ministry of Social Development in Jordan to establish clear regulations for NGOs in the country. Furthermore, they reached out to organizations and offered training sessions on these rules, to help clarify the new structures and increase awareness of the changes. These efforts have contributed to a more hospitable environment for civil organization and activism in Jordan.

The heart of the CSP’s work is to help train leaders of local organizations to improve the effectiveness of their own programs. By providing training, the program allows individual organizations to resolve issues on their own in a sustainable manner, rather than grafting on temporary solutions to long-term problems. The CSP offers seminars and services that help NGOs function more like businesses, without paying the hefty expense for consulting services and other programs for professional development. Focus groups are offered to bring leaders of NGOs together to share best practices and collaborate on solutions to shared issues. Some organizations are offered the chance to receive third-party assessment and evaluation in order to improve the efficiency of their administration and the effectiveness of their programming.

对于年轻 NGO 来说一个很大的阻碍就是他们经营中的法律框架并不明晰。由于其他一般组织往往可以采用企业管理框架并且从中盈利，所以 NGO 组织并不能适用于政府对于营利组织的那些管理条款。定位适用 NGO 组织的条款非常困难，严重拖累了组织的发展，使他们本应该在追求理想的时候却在繁复的纸头文件里裹足不前。与 CSP 项目与约旦社会发展部一起建立了 NGO 在国内的清晰规章制度。此外，他们深入民间组织，为他们提供相关政策的培训，来帮助他们了解新的框架，让他们政策的变化。这些努力将为约旦的民间组织和活动提供一个更加友好的环境。

CSP 工作的初衷就是协助培训当地组织来提升他们工作的效率。通过培训， CSP 将使民间组织以可持续的方案来自我解决问题，而不是用临时手段来埋下长远祸根。CSP 提供研修会以及相关服务，来帮助 NGO 组织像公司一样运转，而不需要他们为此向咨询公司或其他专业发展项目支付昂贵的服务费。中心组将会把 NGO 的领导齐聚一堂，分享优秀经验，建立合作关系，共同处理问题。他们赋予一些组织接受第三方评估的机会，来提升他们管理的效率和 CSP 项目的效果。

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Numerous organizations in Jordan have prospered due to the efforts of the Civil Society Program.2 A disabled-persons advocacy group has broken down barriers for voters with disabilities to fairly and confidentially cast their vote in elections. An organization’s understaffed financial department was restructured so that different employees could work more efficiently to accomplish more with the same number of people. Youth members of communities were selected to serve as representatives of young persons’ interest and work with community mayors to ensure that the voice of this demographic was heard. The success of the CSP in Jordan serves as a strong example of the progress that can be achieved through civil society organizations. The case of Jordan has numerous differences, but important similarities to China. The geopolitical background of the state bears little in common, but the important role of the state in the functioning of the nation’s economic organization is similar. As seen in Jordan, Civil Society can co-exist with a powerful and supportive state apparatus that both encourages and monitors activity. Working together in this way is not a hindrance to the development of civil society, but can prevent it from veering off in undesirable directions. Likewise, the Jordanian government benefits from the CSP because its citizenry is increasingly engaged in collaborative, rather than antagonistic acitivities with the state.

无数约旦组织通过公民社会项目实现了繁荣 2。一个残疾人吁请团打破了残疾人投票的壁垒，保障残疾人的选举权。组织内部金融部门为改变人手短缺的情况而进行重构，不同的员工可以更高效地工作，用同样数量的员工达成更多的目标。组织里的年轻成员被推举为年轻人礼仪的代表，与社团领导一起工作，使这一人群的声音传得更远。CSP 在约旦的成功标志着一个进程中重要的范例，这可以被民间组织借鉴学习。

约旦这一案例有很多与中国情况很不同但关键思路相近的地方。两个国家的地缘政治背景很少有相同之处，但是两个国家的经济组织承担国家角色方面是相近的。正如在约旦所见，公民社会组织能有效地支持国家机器的运转，接受政府的鼓励同时接受监督。以这种方式合作将不会阻止公民社会的发展，而且有效地防止它误入歧途。同样，约旦的政府从 CSP 项目里获益，因为他的公民逐渐配合政府工作，而不是对国家怀有负面情绪。

2. “Success Stories,” http://www.csp-jordan.org/EN/SitePage.aspx?PageId=42, 2013.

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China has a long and rich tradition of citizen participation in government, and countries around the world are embracing a similar ethic by incorporating civil society organizations into the process of governance. The results produced have been striking: policies are improved, citizens are empowered, and progress is made on seemingly intractable issues. Supporting the development of a strong civil society would leverage Chengdu’s greater strength—it’s people. Chengdu can make the most of its large population by encouraging individuals to collaborate and initiate civil organizations that work towards improving the quality of life of all people residing in the city. To promote the strength of civil organizations, Chengdu might look to the example of Jordan, whose broad-based program has fostered civic associations at all stages and increased the potency of their impact.

中国有长久和丰富的公民议政传统，同时世界上的国家通过融合民间组织机构，在慢慢地接受相似的伦理标准。结果令人惊喜，政治得到了提升，公民赋予了权力，看似棘手的问题也得到了相应的处理。支持成都的民间组织发展将对成都的发展产生深远意义，这来自它的人民。成都可以充分利用它的人口基数，通过鼓励个体协作或创立公民组织，为了提升人民在城市里生活的质量而努力、为了提升公民组织的实力，成都也许会效仿约旦，它深广的群众基础在任何角度都培养了公民组织，并且提升了他们的潜力。

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·Conclusion A commitment to incorporating civil associations in the governing process would only be an extension of a broader trend that Chengdu has already embraced. Much of the groundwork being laid for high-tech development in Chengdu can be seen as an investment in the intellectual capital of the city. Based on a trust that attracting talented people to the city is the best path to future growth, Chengdu is investing in developments like the Tianfu zone that will provide appealing working opportunities to the best and the brightest minds in China and around the world. Empowering civil society organizations represents another aspect of that same trust—that the intellectual power of the people should be harnessed towards improving Chengdu in its path towards becoming a modern city on the leading edge of international business and development.

结论在政府进程中，吸纳公民组织的承诺，从一个更广泛的延伸上来说，成都已经在做了。许多高新科技发展的背后工作正在成都展开，一项投资已经投向这个城市的智慧资本发展。这一诺言正在吸引着无数人才涌向成都，为未来的发展铺设了最好的道路。成都正在投资建设向天府这样的科技园，未来将为中国以及世界上最聪明的人群提供更多具有吸引力工作机会。推动公民社会的发展代表着另一种方面的承诺——人们智慧的力量将被引向发展建设成都的道路上来，将成都建设成为世界上领先的贸易和发展的现代都市。

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Local Economic Development and the Boston Metro Area 波士顿市区及当地经济发展 Hannah Weinstock, Harvard University

·Introduction To what extent can local actors, whether states, localities, or regional bodies, shape their economic future? Are localities simply buoys on the open ocean of the global economy, bound to ride the waves up and down or can they take concrete steps to shape their own destiny? The federal government continues to play a key role in economic policy, through fiscal policy, monetary policy, and providing the funding for many social and economic initiatives. At the same time, states, cities, towns, and regional bodies have continued to develop tools and techniques to

摘要各个州、地区或是地方机构的行为主体对当地经济未来的发展到底有多大影响？各地区是仅仅随着全球经济的广阔海洋沉浮不定？还是采取一些具体行动，掌控自身的命运？通过财政政策、货币政策以及为许多社会和经济方案提供资金等方式，联邦政府在经济政策上仍具有重要作用。同时，各个州、市、城镇及地区团体已经为改善他们的经济

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improve their economic fortunes. This paper begins by conducting an overview of the different approaches to local economic development in the United States over time, then continues to look at the history of economic development in the Boston metropolitan region, and finishes with the economic development strategy articulated by the Metropolitan Area Planning Council for the Boston metro region over the next 20 years.

前途而提出了一些方法和技巧。本文就以不同时期美国不同的地区经济发展方式展开，接着回顾波士顿城区的经济发展史，最后是由大都市区城市规划委员会为波士顿城区未来二十年做出的详细经济发展战略。

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·Local Economic Development Policy in the United States Fitzgerald and Leigh, in their book Economic Revitalization: Cases and Strategies for Cities and Suburbs as well as Blakely and Leigh in their seminal work Planning Local Economic Development: Theory and Practice, outline various phases and changing approaches to local economic development in the United States. Beginning in the 1930’s and reaching its peak in the 1960’s, localities utilized a set of tools to lower a firm’s production costs and thereby attract large firms to their city or town. These included tax abatements, acquiring and assembling land for development, write-down of the cost of land, packaging loans and finance for development, and investing in public infrastructure needed by the development, whether this be transportation, communication, water, electricity, sewage or other. This approach also saw the construction of industrial parks for manufacturing firms, especially in suburban and rural areas. While subsequent years brought critiques and complements to this approach, it has become embedded across the country as the “traditional economic development” approach and remains salient today in many localities.

美国地区经济发展政策在菲茨杰拉德（Fitzgerald）和利（Leigh）合著的书《振兴经济：以城市和郊区为例》（Economic Revitalization: Cases and Strategies for Cities and Suburbs）以及布莱克利（Blakely）和利（Leigh）影响巨大的作品《规划地区经济发展：理论与实践》（Planning Local Economic Development: Theory and Practice）中概括了美国地区经济发展的各个阶段和不断变化的发展方式。其中一种做法始于 20 世纪 30 年代，并在六十年代到达顶峰，那时各地都利用一整套方法降低公司的生产成本，并以此吸引大公司来到他们的城市或城镇。这些方法包括降税、收购和征集土地开发，减记土地成本、为发展组合贷款和筹资，从交通、通信、水、电、下水道等方面投资公共基础设施建设。这一方法也实现了制造业公司工业园区的建设，尤其是在郊区和农村地区。在接下来的几年间，这一方法虽然褒贬不一，但仍成为全国范围内的“传统经济发展”模式，并且至今在许多地区仍影响显著。

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The 1960’s and 1970’s saw skepticism about the efficacy of the above mentioned tools for economic development. As global restructuring and competition from abroad led to the decline of manufacturing across the United States and central cities became more and more distressed, previous approaches to economic development were deemed ineffective. Often the revenue spent or forgone through incentives for firms was greater than the additional revenue generated for the locality through development. Cities might forgo or spend large amounts of money to attract a firm, only to see that firm leave a number of years later, chasing the next best deal, and leaving the city with the costs. Other critics argued that these firm attraction policies did not create new jobs, but simply transferred jobs from one location to the next, often pitting cities against each other in a destructive “race to the bottom”. Others questioned how much influence the incentives made in a firm’s location decision. Were tax breaks really determining firm location decisions, or were other factors such as the right labor pool, public infrastructure, proximity to suppliers and resources, and proximity to markets more important? Might the company have moved to a particular location regardless of incentives? In that case, the tax abatements and land write-downs went simply to windfall profits. More attention was paid to politics. Logan and Molotch criticized the urban development “growth machine” in which political and business elites colluded often to the detriment of residents and citizens.

二十世纪六七十年代，人们对上述提到的经济发展方式产生了质疑。随着全球化的结构调整，再加上来自国外的竞争，全美的制造业实力日趋下滑，一些中部城市愈发贫困，人们认为曾经的经济发展方式已不再有效。与投入到地区发展上的额外税收相比，花费或是浪费在激励公司增长上的税收通常要更多。一些城市可能一掷千金来吸引一家公司，结果几年后，这家公司还是会离开，去追逐下一个最佳交易，而留给这些城市的只有资金损失。有些评论家认为，这些吸引公司的政策并没有创造新的工作机会，只是仅仅将工作从一个地方挪到另一个地方，常常会使各个城市卷入一场毁灭性的“打到底线的竞争”中。还有一些人质疑激励机制在公司选址上有多大影响。降税真的能决定公司的选址政策，还是其他的因素更重要，比如适合的劳动力资源、公共基础设施、供货商和资源的临近以及市场的临近？公司有可能忽略奖励机制而搬到某一特定区域吗？那样的话，降税和土地成本减记只能算是意外利润。还有更多的人关注政策。罗根（Logan）和莫尔切（Molotch）谴责城市发展“成长机器”，认为政治和商业精英总是借此相勾结，常常损害居民和公民的利益。

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Good Jobs First, a project of the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, led the way in promoting new policies such as “clawback” provisions where companies had to pay back the tax breaks or subsidies they had received if they didn’t fulfill their promises around development and job creation. Some states also attempted to establish non-competition agreements to prevent neighboring localities from undercutting each other and enticing firms to move from one locality to the other.

“绩效优先”是一个由税务和经济政策机构发起的项目，旨在促进新政策的产生，如“追回利益”条款，这一条款规定如果公司不实现他们关于发展和创造工作的诺言，就要收回对他们的税收优惠和补贴。一些州也会尝试建立不竞争协议，阻止相邻地区采用低价，诱使公司从某地区搬到另一地区。

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During the 1980’s, spurred on by the changing global economy and changing attitudes, new strategies emerged, including the entrepreneurial approach and the equity approach. The focus moved from attracting firms to promoting new businesses and technologies, as well as retaining businesses and helping them to expand. Tax breaks were targeted at high-tech companies. States invested in research and development facilities and encouraged university-industry collaborations. Cities and states set up incubators to help new firms pool resources in their early stages and encourage the cross-pollination of creative ideas. At the same time, venture capital funds played a pivotal role in financing start-ups. City and state small business development programs helped small businesses gain access to capital, training on how to run a business, coordination with other businesses and institutions, and clearer and more streamlined regulatory processes. The invention of business improvement districts allowed businesses to invest locally and improve the attractiveness of the area for customers. Localities developed relationships abroad to facilitate exports and marketed their location for businesses, high skilled labor, and consumers. In order to attract high skilled workers, more attention was paid to quality of life including housing options, convenient transportation, the quality of schools, parks, and cultural and entertainment amenities. Internship and mentoring programs were used to help university students stay in the area after graduation. Also, workforce development and public education were found to be critical for growing the base of highskilled workers. Improvements in K-12 education, state universities, community colleges, and job training programs were recognized as crucial for attracting and retaining successful, high-growth firms.

在二十世纪 80 年代期间，受到不断变化的全球经济和各国间日益改善的态度的鼓励，一些新的发展策略开始出现，包括创业和公平方案。人们的焦点从吸引公司转移到提升新企业和推进新技术，以及维护原有企业并协助它们进行业务拓展。减税政策将在高科技公司实施。各州同时投资研发设备，鼓励大学和行业合作。各州各市设立产业孵化器，在新公司成立初期帮助解决人力资源问题，鼓励创意交流与共享。同时，风险投资基金对新兴的金融公司来说至关重要。州、市的小企业发展项目帮助小企业获得资本，获得经营企业的培训，与其它企业和机构协商，拥有更加清晰和新型的监管流程。企业经营获得改善的地区允许公司在当地投资，提高该区对客户的吸引力。一些地区发展海外关系，促进出口商品，推销自身，以此赢得生意、高素质技术工人以及客户。为了吸引高素质技术工人，各地区越来越关注人们的生活质量，包括住房的选择、交通的便利以及学校、公园和文化娱乐设施的质量等。实习和指导项目的施行有利于大学生在毕业后留在本地。同样，职工发展和公共教育对不断壮大的高素质技术工人群体来说同样重要。改善从幼儿园到 12 年级的教育水平，州立大学、社区大学以及工作培训项目等，对与吸引和留住成功且成长快速的公司十分重要。

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Equity planning looked at how to use redistribution to alleviate poverty and raise the floor for those worst off, incorporating principles of racial, social, and economic justice. This involved improving access to housing and transportation, as well as targeting people of color and low-income people for local hiring or minority and women owned businesses for contracts. Local anchor institutions, such as hospitals and universities, as well as local government itself, used these new practices to confront unequal access. Import substitution models encouraged these institutions to source and hire locally from disadvantaged communities, building up the local community and fighting poverty. Equity planning also shifted the focus of economic development efforts from the development of the downtown of cities to the development of neighborhoods. At the same time, participatory planning emphasized the importance of resident participation in planning processes and the value created by engaging multiple stakeholders in the community such as non-profit organizations, tenant associations, churches, and local business associations. These collaborations produced social capital, coordination, and synergies crucial to the development of depressed areas.

公平计划关注的是如何进行再分配，改善贫困和提高最低贫困线，同时考虑到种族、社会和经济公正原则。这一计划涉及到改善住房和交通问题，关心的是当地雇佣的有色人种和低收入者，或是手中拥有商业合约的少数民族和女性。当地的医院、大学及其政府等锚机构，利用这些新举措来解决不公平特权问题。进口替代模式鼓励这些机构寻求和雇佣当地的弱势群体，成立当地社区，共同对抗贫困。公平计划同时也将经济发展的奋斗焦点从市中心的开发转移到了居民区的开发。同时，参与式规划强调了在规划过程中居民参与的重要性，以及由参与的多元利益主体共同创造的价值，这些主体包括：非营利性机构、租户协会、教堂和当地商业协会。这一系列的合作创造了社会资本、社会和谐和协同增效，对经济萧条区的发展十分重要。

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The latest phase includes all of these previous approaches, but also introduces a greater focus on industry clusters, environmental sustainability and regional planning. Michael Porter’s work brought forward the concept of cluster development and the ways that groups of inter-related businesses benefit from locating in close proximity to each other. With his Initiative for a Competitive Inner City, Porter also called attention to business opportunities and unmet demand in low income communities. In recent years there has been a greater focus on recognizing a particular area’s unique assets and economic engines. Export sectors, those that produce for non-residents, bring additional revenue from outside that then circulates within the local economy for goods and services. Export clusters with strong prospects for growth and quality jobs are identified for support. In the environmental arena, brownfields projects remediate contaminated and abandoned industrial sites for new commercial and residential activity. The challenges of global climate change have pushed forward the sustainability agenda including efforts around recycling, conservation, clean energy, and expanded public transit. The concept of smart growth decried the trend towards sprawl, where development continued outward consuming more and more land, and promoted the idea of increasing density in already urbanized areas and transportation hubs while preserving farms, environmentally sensitive areas, and areas with less existing public infrastructure. At the same time, the realization that most housing and labor markets, as well as public transit systems, were regional in nature, encompassing many different localities and local political jurisdictions, led to calls for greater coordination among town and city governments. Tax-based sharing in some cases has allowed fiscal coordination between cities and suburbs. Rather than conceptualizing each other as competition, towns and cities began to see that growth and development in one municipality could have a positive impact on the whole regional economy.

最新的阶段包括以上所有方案，但同时，人们也更多的关注产业集群、环境稳定和地区规划。迈克尔·波特（Michael Porter）的作品提出了集群发展的概念，以及拥有内部联系的各企业如何从向邻近的地理位置中获益。在《创建富有竞争力的城市中心区》（Initiative for a Competitive Inner City）一书中，作者波特号召关注低收入社区里的商业机遇和人们未满足的需求。最近几年，人们越来越关心某个特定区域内的独特资本和经济引擎。为非居民服务的出口部门从国外获得收入，在当地的经济内流通，买卖商品和服务。出口集群发展潜力雄厚，能够提供高质量的工作机遇，受到人们支持。环境方面，棕色土地工程修复受污染和被遗弃的工业用地，成为新的商业和居住用地。全球气候变化带来的挑战已经促使可持续发展议程的提出，包括回收利用、节约、干净能源以及扩大公共交通等方面的努力。理性发展的概念谴责大受推广的发展趋势，即大量消费土地，而是提倡继续增加已经城市化的地区和交通中心的人口密度，保护农田、环境敏感区域以及已有公共基础设施建设较少的地区。同时，人们意识到大部分住房和劳动力市场以及公共交通运输系统在本质上都是属于某一区域的，而这一区域内包含许多不同的地方和政治管辖区，这就需要城镇和市区的政府之间更多的协调合作。以税务为基础的合作允许市区和郊区之间的财政合作。与其将对方当做竞争对手，各城市和城镇开始认为，某个市区的成长与发展可能会给整个区域的经济带来积极的影响。

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·Economic Development in Metropolitan Boston The Boston Redevelopment Authority’s “History of Boston’s Economy” together with Barry Bluestone and Mary Huff Stevenson’s The Boston Renaissance provide insight into the history of economic development in the metro Boston area. Bluestone details the “demographic, industrial, and spatial revolutions” that transformed Boston from a distressed city in the 1970’s with high unemployment, violent crime, and poverty to a high-income, low unemployment model city for successful integration into the global economy just two decades later. The demographic revolution refers to the transition from a white ethnic community to a multi-cultural and immigrant one, the industrial revolution from a manufacturing economy to a knowledge-based one, and the spatial revolution of a central city hub to a metropolitan region. Despite these transformations, the Boston metropolitan area continues to face challenges in the area of unequal wages and wealth, high housing and living costs, racial and ethnic segregation, the impact of the recent financial crisis and increased competition from other cities and countries.

大都会波士顿的经济发展波士顿再发展当局的《波士顿经济史》以及巴里·布鲁斯通（Barry Bluestone）与玛丽·赫夫·史蒂文森（Mary Huff Stevenson）的作品《波士顿复兴》（The Boston Renaissance）深刻洞察了波士顿城区的经济发展史。布鲁斯通详细说明“人口、工业和空间革命”让波士顿从二十世纪七十年代那个失业率和犯罪率高，极度贫穷的城市，仅仅只用了二十多年，就成为现在这个高收入、低失业率的模范城市，并且成功地融入了全球经济中。人口革命让波士顿从一个白人种族社区变为拥有多文化和移民的社区，而工业革命将其从制造业经济体变为知识性经济体，而空间革命使其从一个闹市区转变为一个大都会。虽然发生了这些转变，但波士顿大都会区在收入和财富不均、高额的房价和生活成本、种族和民族隔离、最近的金融危机以及来自其它城市和国家的竞争等方面仍面临挑战。

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Over the last two centuries, the Boston metro area has passed through three major industrial phases, the first (17th to 19th century) focused on fur trading, shipping and international commerce, the second (the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century) relied on textile mills and shoe factories, and the third (beginning after World War II and taking off in the 1980’s) drew its strengths from the knowledge-based economy: high tech, finance, medicine, and education.

While the shipping and whaling industries made many Bostonians wealthy, their collapse in the early nineteenth century presented the area with serious challenges. The region reinvented itself with the industrial revolution. The designs for the first power looms, which were stolen from the British by a British immigrant to the United States, brought a surge of textile mills in the Boston metro area. They started in Lowell and Lawrence where powerful rivers drove the mills, and quickly spread. This led to an explosion of industry and factories, especially in textiles and shoes, leading to labor shortages and high levels of immigration from Ireland, Europe, and Canada. Business boomed with demand for soldiers’ boots in World War I, and high unionization rates brought wealth and safer working conditions to the area. However, after 1924, factories began moving south (and later overseas), encouraged by tax advantages and cheaper labor, causing unemployment to spike in Boston even before the Great Depression hit the entire country in the 1930’s. The area then struggled with declining manufacturing until World War II when demand for boots and supplies picked up again, and post- World War II when federal investments in defense technology set the foundation for the area’s high-tech trajectory.

在过去的两个世纪里，波士顿城区经历了三个主要的工业时期，第一个时期（十七到十九世纪）主要是皮草交易，海运和国际贸易，第二时期（十九世纪末至二十世纪初）主要依靠纺织厂和鞋厂，第三时期（二战后至二十世纪八十年代达到繁荣）以知识型经济为主力，包括高科技、金融、机械以及教育。

虽然海运和捕鲸业使许多波士顿人富起来，但十九世纪早期他们的破产显示出该地区面临诸多严峻挑战。该地区利用工业革命进行彻底改造。第一台动力织布机的设计，是由一位英国移民偷渡到美国的，但却在波士顿城区掀起了纺织工厂的浪潮。纺织厂最初建在洛威尔和劳伦斯，那里有强大的水利启动工厂运作，之后纺织厂如雨后春笋般崛起。这导致纺织业和工厂的激增，特别是纺织品和鞋业，所以劳动力不足，大量的移民从爱尔兰、欧洲和加拿大来到这里。一战期间，军靴的需求引发商业的繁荣，高度的联合为波士顿区带来财富和更加安全的工作环境。但是，1924 年之后，受税务优势和廉价劳动力的驱使，工厂开始南迁（之后迁往海外），造成波士顿失业率达到历史顶峰，甚至高于二十世纪三十年代全美陷入大萧条的时期。之后该地区的制造业不断下滑，直到二战时对靴子和战略物资的需求使其有所好转，二战后联邦政府投资国防技术，为该地区的高科技弹道轨迹技术奠定了基础。

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The Boston area’s earlier successes in shipping and textiles helped to fund its first class universities and hospitals, assets that have long existed, but rose in economic significance during the last several decades. Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) was founded in 1861 and from its early days supported university-industry collaborations and the commercialization of scientific research. Throughout its history MIT has collaborated with high-tech firms, and played a role in the growth of General Electric and Raytheon, among others. During and after World War II, a large number of federal defense contracts came in for research in radar, sonar, radio communications, and digital computing. In fact, the practice of venture capital began in 1946 when Ralph Flanders mobilized Boston’s old textile fortunes to fund MIT-affiliated electronics start-ups. These university-industry partnerships, not only at MIT, but also at Boston University and other local universities, spun off hundreds of high-tech companies, moving beyond defense into electronics, hardware, software, and more. While the end of the Vietnam War and the space program led to a slump in federal contracts and defense work, elevating job losses in the area, the popularization of the personal computer in the 1980’s brought jobs back. While non-durable manufacturing continued to shed jobs, durable manufacturing of aircraft engines, and high-tech office and factory machinery stayed steady.

波士顿地区早期在海运和纺织业上的成功使其建成了一流的大学和医院，虽然年代久远，但其经济意义在过去的几十年里却不断提高。MIT 成立于 1861 年，从建校伊始，就支持大学与行业相结合，以及研究成果的商业化。纵观其历史，MIT 一直与高科技公司合作，在通用电气和雷神等公司的发展中具有重要作用。二战期间及战后时期，MIT 收到许多联邦政府的国防合约，研究雷达、声呐、无线通信以及数字计算机等。事实上，对 MIT 的风险投资始于 1946 年，当时拉尔夫 • 弗兰德斯（Ralph Flanders）鼓动波士顿靠纺织业发家致富的人们投资 MIT 附属的电子公司。这种大学与行业的合作关系，不仅仅存在于 MIT，还包括像波士顿大学这样的其他当地大学，这一做法促成了上百家高科技公司的诞生，从防御系统到电子、硬件、软件等其它方面。越南战争结束后，美国的太空计划造成联邦合约和国防工作的骤减，波士顿的失业率攀升，但八十年代随着个人电脑的普及，人们又重拾工作机会。虽然不耐用产品制造业继续削减工作，但像飞机引擎、高科技办公和工厂机械设备这样的耐用品制造业却维持稳定。

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The advent of the national health insurance programs for the poor and the elderly, Medicaid and Medicare, in the 1960’s, together with new federal funding for medical research through the National Institute for Health and the National Science Foundation, allowed the Boston area to leverage its first class hospitals for further growth. Funding flowed into Boston’s hospitals for patient care as well as medical research. The Affordable Care Act today presents another such opportunity, as healthcare is poised to continue to grow as a share of the national economy. Federal student loans for higher education played a role in the growth of higher education as a portion of the national economy, another trend which benefitted the Boston area, with its long established and numerous colleges and universities. While the mutual fund was born in Boston in the 1920’s, employment in finance grew in the 1980’s and 1990’s as the broad middle class began investing in the stock market. Government jobs form a key pillar of the Boston area economy as well, with the state capital and regional hub for the federal government headquartered in Boston.

二十世纪六十年代，全民健康保险项目启动，针对穷人和老年人，分别设立了医疗补助计划和国家老年人医疗保险制度。同时，联邦政府出资，由国家卫生研究和美国国家科学基金会开展医疗研究，这些共同促进波士顿地区一流的医院得到进一步发展，资金流入波士顿医院，用于病患照顾和医学研究。今天的平价医疗法案体现了另一种机会，即医疗保健作为国家经济的一部分，将会获得不断的发展。联邦学生高等教育贷款作为国家经济的一部分在高等教育发面发挥着作用，凭借着历史悠久，数量众多的大学和学院，该贷款项目将会成为惠及波士顿地区的另一趋势。虽然早在二十年代波士顿就出现共同基金，但直到广大中产阶级开始投资股票市场，金融行业的就业率才开始攀升。作为马塞诸塞州首府和整个英格兰地区联邦政府的总部所在城市，政府提供的工作也成为波士顿地区经济的一个重要支柱。

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Today, metropolitan Boston’s economy is buttressed by its core industries: health care and social assistance, finance and real estate, educational services, food and accommodations, and professional, scientific, and technical services, including engineering, consulting, legal, accounting, marketing and other business services. Metro Boston’s population has become younger, more educated, and more diverse, and the proportion of white-collar jobs to blue-collar jobs has increased over the last several decades, bringing with it rising wages. The highly educated workforce in Boston makes it an attractive location for various professional, scientific, and business service companies. However, the labor market has become intensely unequal with high skill jobs commanding higher wages and a proliferation of lower skill jobs, especially in food service and accommodations that do not pay enough to live in the city. In fact, minimum wage has declined in real value over the last half century. Living costs are high, especially housing costs, which creates an affordability crisis for lowwage workers and also can be a disincentive for high skill workers looking to buy. The financial crisis and ongoing consolidation is affecting jobs in the finance industry and therefore the lawyers, accountants, consultants, janitors, and security workers that service them. Increased competition from other cities and countries, declining federal budgets and investments, climate change, and rising oil prices also present challenges for metro Boston’s economy.

今天，大都市波士顿的经济依靠它的核心产业：医疗和社会救助、金融和房地产、教育机构、食宿和职业、科学以及技术服务业，包括工程、咨询、法律、会计、营销和其他业务。大都会波士顿的人口更加年轻化，受教育程度更高，更加多元化，从事白领工作与蓝领工作的人口比例在过去几十年间也在不断上升，人们的工资水平因此不断提高。受过高等教育的劳动力资源使波士顿成为提供各种职业、科学及商业服务公司的聚集地。但是，随着高级技能岗位拥有更高的工资，而低技能岗位却在不断增加，尤其是在食宿服务业，获得的工资无法让人们在这座城市生存，劳动力市场变得越来越不平等。事实上，最低工资在最近半个世纪以来就其真正价值而言是在不断下降的。生活成本很高，尤其是住房成本，对低收入工人来说，很可能造成他们的支付能力危机，而对高级技术工人来说，这也可能会成为抑制购买欲的因素。金融危机和正在进行的整顿影响着金融行业的工作，所以波及范围有律师、会计、咨询师、警卫和为以上提供服务的保安。来自其它国家和城市的日趋激烈的竞争、减少的联邦预算和投资、气候变化和上涨的油价对大都会波士顿的经济而言，也会带来挑战。

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·The MetroFuture Plan The Metropolitan Area Planning Council is a regional body that helps the 101 towns and cities within the metropolitan Boston area coordinate and plan together for the region as a whole. In 2008, they released MetroFuture, a comprehensive plan for the Boston metropolitan area up until 2030. The plan covered policies for land use and development, housing, local fiscal management, economic development, transportation, energy and environment. It was developed through an engagement process with residents and stakeholders, embodies the ideal of regional planning and coordination between localities, and is comprehensive, considering the interaction between all of the different policy areas mentioned above.

大都市未来规划大都市区未来规划委员会是一家地方性机构，帮助波士顿城区内 101 个城镇和城市协调发展，共同规划，着眼整个区域。2008 年，委员会颁布了“都市未来”，整体规划了波士顿城区到 2030 年的发展。这项计划覆盖的相关政策包括土地的使用和开发、住房供给、当地财政管理、经济发展、交通、能源和环境。该计划通过居民和相关利益群体的社会参与取得发展，反映了区域性规划和地方协调的观念，而就以上提到的所有政策覆盖区域之间的合作来看，该计划是综合全面的。

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Many of the initiatives under the other policy categories mentioned (housing, transportation etc) will also impact economic development. For example, the land use plan focuses on the concept of “smart growth” encouraging higher density in more urban areas and transit nodes while slowing development in outer suburbs and rural areas. This will create new business opportunities in urban areas, save money on public infrastructure, and preserve ecological resources. Under fiscal management, cities and towns are encouraged to come together to take advantage of economies of scale in the provision of some services such as emergency dispatch and animal control. Increases in the supply of housing, especially smaller, denser, more affordable housing units will help control costs for area residents as well as prevent the outflow of residents from the area in search of cheaper housing. Finally, the extension of the subway system to new inner suburbs such as Somerville, as well as new bike-sharing systems will increase residents’ access to jobs. In addition to these initiatives, there are several strategies described specifically within the area of economic development:

• Encourage green technology and clean energy as sectors for growth, including development, manufacturing, and application. Local application of locally developed technologies can help these businesses to grow and gain recognition.

• Maintain a focus on high-tech and research and development in computer science, genomics, disease, renewable energy, nanotechnology, and advanced materials. Foster both public and private investment.

以上其他的政策（包括住房、交通等）中的许多方案也将影响经济发展。比如，土地使用计划关注“理智发展”，鼓励在更为城市化地区和交通要点内增加人口密度，而在远郊和农村地区则减缓发展速度。这将在城市地区创造新的商业机遇，减少公共基础设施建设支出，保护生态资源。在财政管理方面，人们支持城市和城镇共同利用规模效应提供的一些服务，包括紧急派遣和动物管理。增加住房供给，尤其是小型住房，密集型住房和经济适应房，这将有利于区域内居民进行成本控制和防止他们为了更为廉价的住房而搬出该地区。最后，延伸至像萨默维尔市这样的郊区内的地铁以及自行车分享系统将有利于居民的就业。除这些方案以外，还有以下几点方案是特别针对经济开发区内：

1. 鼓励绿色技术和清洁能源行业的发展，包括开发、制造和应用。地区内研发技术的本地化应用可以帮助这些企业获得发展，得到认可。

2. 坚持关注高科技和研发计算机科学、基因学、疾病、可再生能源、纳米技术和先进材料。鼓励公有投资和私人投资。

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• Mitigate the decline of manufacturing by centering efforts on retaining or building manufacturing closely tied to the area’s research pursuits, such as drug manufacturing or solar panel manufacturing.

3. 依靠集中努力维护或者建设与本区域研

• Ensure access to capital and technical assistance for small business owners and entrepreneurs. Higher density development at transit hubs will open up opportunities for retail and services.

4. 保证小型企业主和创业者能够得到资金

究目标紧密相关的制造业，比如医药制造或者太阳能制造，以此缓解制造业的衰退。

和技术支持。位于交通枢纽的高密度开发区将对零售业和服务业提供机会。

4. 改革商业许可流程，使其能够表里如一、透明和迅速。

• Reform business permitting processes to make them consistent, transparent, and fast. 5. 留用当地大学的毕业生。更好的住房选择和生活质量也会对此有所帮助。

• Retain graduates from local universities. Better housing choices and quality of life will help with this as well.

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• Make comprehensive improvements to K-12 public schools and community colleges, as well as establishing new targeted job training programs. Foster more partnerships between local businesses and high schools and community colleges in order to sync economic development and workforce development.

• Increase language training for immigrants, affordable childcare for parents, transportation options, and reforms of the use of criminal records in job applications (CORI reform) in order to improve access to jobs for all residents. These investments will increase employment options for minorities and alleviate the need for spending on public assistance and incarceration.

7. 全面提高 K-12 公办学校和社区大学的教学质量，同时建立新的特定工作培训项目。在当地企业和高校以及社区大学之间推进建立更多的合作关系，借此同步发展经济和人力资源。

8. 为移民增设语言培训，为父母提供平价儿童托管、交通选择，改革工作申请时的犯罪记录的作用，这样有利于所有的居民找到工作。这些投资将增加少数民族的就业选择，缓解公共救助和监禁所需的花费。

• Engage corporations as well as institutions such as hospital and universities in the development of local communities, participation in planning, charitable funding of social services, and energy and water conservation.

9. 鼓励公司和医院、大学这样的机构加

• Foster better connections for local farmers to sell their goods to urban residents and support the trends towards local food consumption.

10. 促进与当地农民的联系，将他们的农

• Continue to enhance the artistic and cultural attractions that both residents and tourists enjoy.

入当地社区的发展，参加社区规划，设立社会福利事业的慈善基金，以及节能节水。

产品出售给城市居民，支持当地的食物消费。

11. 继续改善艺术和文化旅游景点的建设，满足当地居民和游客的欣赏需求。

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Bibliography Blakely, Edward J. and Nancey G. Leigh, Planning Local Economic Development: Theory and Practice, 4th edition. SAGE Publications, 2009. Bluestone, Barry and Mary Huff Stevenson, The Boston Renaissance: Race, Space, and Economic Change in an American Metropolis. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 2000. Boston Redevelopment Authority, Leadership Through Innovation: The History of Boston’s Economy 1970-2000, April 2003. Boston Redevelopment Authority, The Boston Economy in 2010, January 2011. Boston Redevelopment Authority, 2013 Economy Report, January 2013. Fitzgerald, Joan and Nancey G. Leigh, Economic Revitalization: Cases and Strategies for City and Suburb. SAGE Publications, 2002. Initiative for a Competitive Inner City, “The Promise of Local Clusters,” Inner City Insights, vol. 1, issue 1 (January 2011). Metropolitan Area Planning Council, MetroFuture: Making a Greater Boston Region, May 2008. Metropolitan Area Planning Council, 2012 to 2013 Annual Update: Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy, 2013. Moretti, Enrico, The New Geography of Jobs. Mariner Books, 2013. Porter, Michael “Clusters and the new economics of competition,” Harvard Business Review (1998). Porter, Michael “The Competitive Advantage of the Inner City,” Harvard Business Review (1995). Seidman, Karl and Beth Siegel, “The Economic Development and Workforce Development Systems: A Briefing Paper” prepared for Surdna Foundation, December 2009. “The BRA Grows Up,” Planning, Vol. 77 Issue 1, (January 2011).

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·Conclusion The history of metro Boston’s economic development reflects in many ways the lessons drawn by municipalities across the country as the field of local economic development has learned from experience. On the one hand, this history reminds us that much of local economic development is a product of larger forces. Federal policies around defense research, Medicare/Medicaid, the National Institute of Health, federal student loans, globalization, and trade policy all impacted Boston’s growth and prosperity. However, Boston had the foresight to use the profits from earlier successes in shipping and textiles to invest in solid institutions, such as its universities and hospitals, that were then in a position to take advantage of national trends towards growth within the education and health sectors. Similarly, the research and technology clusters developed first around federal defense contracts were leveraged as innovation centers and practices that moved well beyond defense. Old strategies around tax incentives and land write-downs have been

结论大都市波士顿的经济发展史从多方面反映出全国各直辖市在当地经济发展方面所获得的的经验和教训。另一方面，这一历史提醒我们，地区经济的发展是更大范围内力量作用的结果。联邦防御政策、国家老年人医疗保险制度 / 医疗补助计划、国家卫生机构、联邦学生贷款、全球化和贸易政策，这些都影响着波士顿的发展和繁荣。然而，波士顿深具远见，利用早期成功的海运和纺织业获得的利润投资可靠机构，例如大学和医院，之后顺应国家在教育和卫生事业上的发展势头。与之类似，研究和技术集群首先遵照联邦防御合约发展，成为了创新中心，进行的研究实践远超过国防的范畴。关于税收激励和土地减记这样的旧方案已经由新方案进行补充

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complemented or replaced by new strategies involving strategic clusters, university-industry collaboration, start-up incubators, small business services, streamlined permitting, infrastructure investment, public education and workforce development, quality of life and graduate retention, language training, childcare assistance, CORI reform, anchor institutions as community investors, local hiring and purchasing, local food, and arts and culture, among others. The focus has moved from reliance on one large firm to the development of an ecology of diversified but complementary firms and from one economic development strategy to a variety of intersecting strategies. Furthermore, renewed efforts have been made for multiple localities to coordinate on a regional basis. Income inequality, low-wage jobs, residential segregation, fierce global competition, federal austerity policies, high living and housing costs, and climate change challenge Boston’s residents and policymakers. MetroFuture presents one approach to meet these challenges, and will evolve in the future as the field of local economic development continues to learn from experience.

和替代。这些新方案包括战略集群、大学与产业合作、企业孵化器、小型企业服务、新的企业许可流程、公共基础设施投资、公共教育和人力资源发展、生活质量和毕业生保留、语言培训、儿童托管援助、犯罪记录在申请工作上的改革、作为社区投资者的锚机构，本地人才招聘和采购、当地食品、艺术和文化以及其它等等。人们关注的焦点也从依靠某一家大公司转移到具有生态多样性且互补的公司发展，从单一经济发展模式到多种交叉模式。此外，人们重新努力以地区为基础，协调各地方。收入不平等、低收入职业、居民隔离、激烈的全球竞争、联邦紧缩政策、高额的生活和住房成本以及全球气候变化都给波士顿人民和政策制定者带来挑战。而“都市未来”计划为应对这些挑战提供了一个方法，并且随着地方经济发展这一领域不断地积累行动经验教训，这一计划也将在未来不断发展。

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Promoting Chengdu through Integrated Tourism Platform and Branding of “Ecocity” 打造整体旅游平台和“生态城市”品牌，推进成都发展 Yang (Sophia) Qiu, Harvard School of Public Health

·Introduction Chengdu, sitting in the heartland of southwest China, plays a critical role in shaping the development of the country’s western frontier. With a rapidly expanding population and an active economy, Chengdu is also well-positioned to further its leadership role in China’s future.

摘要坐落在中国西南腹地的成都，在国家西部大开发成型过程中，扮演了重要角色。随着人口急速增长和经济的活跃，成都也在为自己，谋求一个在未来中国更优的领导地位。

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In the past few years, the city of Chengdu has experienced continuous infrastructure development, economic growth, population expansion, tourism expansion, and, along with all of these prospects, an increase in international visibility. Recent increase in Chengdu’s presence in the global community is the result of organized and proactive promotion of the city, primarily through tourism promotion and investment promotion. Tourism promotion, being the more visible approach of the two promotion efforts, has far-reaching effect that touches a wider population through different media routes. Specifically, tourism promotion played a key role the city’s marketing campaign leading up to the Global Fortune Forum in June of 2013.

Chengdu not only positioned itself as the hub for global tourism in recent decades, the city also has taken the initiative to become the “Garden City” of China. As part of its city planning goal, integration of nature into infrastructure development and the idea of balancing the ecosystem with a modern city have emerged as the features of the new Chengdu.

在过去几年内，成都的基础设施建设不断完善，经济持续增长，人口增加，旅游业规模扩大，伴随着这些方面，城市的国际关注度也在不断提高。有规划、积极地推进城市发展让成都在国际社会上露面机会越来越多，这些推进措施中首当其冲的，是促进旅游业发展和刺激投资。这两项措施中，旅游业又是见效最快的，通过多种媒体渠道，成都旅游已经辐射到了相当大的人群中去。值得一提的是，促进旅游业在成都的市场竞争过程中扮演了关键角色，率领城市登上了 2013 年的全球财富论坛。

数十年来，成都不仅将自己定位为全球旅游业的中心城市，而且正极具创新地打造中国的“花园城市”。将自然融入到基础设施建设中，以及平衡现代化城市与生态系统之间的关系，已经成为了新成都的特征，这些也都成为了城市计划目标的一部分。

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At the present, Chengdu enjoys the overflowing interest from investors, planners, tourists and prospective workers. Given all the prospects, the city asks: how can the government market the city most effectively? How can the government take advantage of globalization and technology to help develop the city?

The definition of marketing the city “most effectively” warrants some clarification and further thinking. What is “effectiveness” in this context for the government? What are plausible and practical matrices for evaluating “effectiveness” in the local context? Currently, the city’s tourism bureau keeps aggregate record of inflow and outflow of visitors, yet, it remains unclear the scope of influence from the city’s marketing campaign. It is also unclear and accounted for that who come to the city, devote how much time in the city, and what level of engagement these visitors (for short- or longterm) carry out with the city. More importantly, the goal for “effectiveness” of city promotion remains to be further discussed and examined.

而今，投资者、策划人、游客和潜在劳动者，都对成都投以满含兴趣的目光。考虑到所有这些方面的因素，这个城市不禁要问：政府如何更高效地经营城市？政府又会如何利用全球化和科技的进步来帮助城市发展？

“ 更高效地”经营城市的定义表明了一些态度，也让进一步的思路更加清晰。对于政府来说，“高效”在这里该如何定义？在本地环境下，用什么样的框架来评估“高效”更合理，也更贴合实际？现在，成都旅游局坚持收集游客流入和流出的数据，然而，城市市场竞争所带来的影响范围还是不甚明朗。对于来到这座城市的人们来说，决定在这个城市里投入多长时间，以及他们在这座城市签订的合约级别（短期还是长期），也是同样模糊、不确定。更重要的是，促进城市发展的“高效”目标仍需商榷和检验。

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Another fundamental point of the questions speaks to the vision of Chengdu’s place in the world by positioning the city’s development in the context of globalization. Taking advantage of globalization requires the understanding of the current trends in city development. The challenge, however, is to find a suitable path customized for Chengdu’s needs while borrowing the experiences from other cities either developed earlier or have been success in the current developmental process. Chengdu’s own growth over the years has been dynamic and the city’s transformation has been propelled forward by many individual sectors, such as tourism, art and culture and education. Yet, evaluating Chengdu to the global scene as a promising city for the future asks for a more coherent and unified vision of Chengdu as a global city.

In the process of urbanization and globalization, Chengdu government offices have shown openness for innovative ideas and successful international experiences to support its own development. Then, it would be useful to think about being “effective” in marketing Chengdu as learning from international experiences, extracting success factors, and applying these success stories while anchoring on a local context.

另一个重要问题是，把成都发展放到全球化背景下，对于成都国际地位的观察。想要利用全球化的优势，首先必须理解城市发展的大潮流。然而，挑战是为了在成都发展需要时，为它找到一条量身定做的途径，同时从其他发展得比较早、或是在当下发展进程中取得阶段性成功的城市身上汲取经验。成都这些年来的自身发展已经十分活跃，城市已经通过多个独立的部分推进了城市角色转换，比如旅游业、艺术文化产业和教育业。然而，在全球背景下对成都这样一个未来充满希望的城市进行评估，需要将线性思维和整体思维相结合，将成都看做一个国际城市。

在城市化和全球化进程中，成都政府展现了开放的胸襟，接纳创新思想和成功的国际经验，来支持自己的发展。接下来，考虑如何将成都经营的“高效” 这个问题，结合本地背景，学习国际经验，取其精华，应用成功案例，将会收效显著。

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·Continuing Tourism Promotion As a developing city, Chengdu is advantaged in gaining greater international recognition based on its long-term reputation as a city of tourism. As explained before, Chengdu has sustained and robust tourism promotion strategies and successful campaigns to position the city as a hub for tourism. Relying on its unique heritages, such as the giant pandas and numerous UNESCO sites, Chengdu enjoys a growing pool of visitors. Therefore, capitalizing on Chengdu’s international reputation as a tourist destination and existing incentives for tourism promotion can be the first step towards more effective marketing. Currently, tourism is advertised collectively by many different channels, ranging from government offices to private tourism companies. Information about travelling to and planning trips for Chengdu is readily searchable for an international audience through the world wide web from sources such as TripAdvisor, Lonely Planet and Ctrip. Additional guideline is available through government offices such as Chengdu city’s Tourism Bureau and Investment Promotion Committee. However, as international travellers taking their interest in Chengdu, the large selection of sources of information poses challenge in comprehensively and effectively promoting tourism to the global community. While the wide range of information sources implies greater access to different information, the overall view of tourism in Chengdu is fragmented. The fragmentation, as indicated by Chengdu government representatives, continues to pose challenges in management, information gathering, and effective promotion. Additionally, the lack of streamlined tourism organization may give rise to more travel-related issues in terms of quality control and safety assurance for the travelers. Moreover, the lack of coordination in tourism promotion through the virtual world makes it difficult to develop a united message for sustainable tourism promotion.

持续推进旅游业发展作为一个发展中的城市，基于旅游城市长期打造出的声誉，成都的国际认知度大为提高。正如之前解释过的，成都持续促进旅游业繁荣战略，在竞争中获取制高点，为城市谋取到了旅游中心的地位。依靠其独特的遗产，比如大熊猫和数不胜数的联合国教科文组织遗址，越来越多的游客涌入成都。因此，利用成都作为旅游胜地和推进旅游的现有刺激点所带来的国际声誉，可以作为高效经营城市的第一步。现在，旅游业正通过多种不同渠道，从政府到私人旅游公司，集中宣传。现在，国际游客也已经可以通过互联网资源网站，如旅游顾问，孤独星球和携程网，来搜索去成都和计划旅行的具体信息。通过政府机构，如成都城市旅游局和投资促进会，游客们也可以获得额外向导。然而，由于国际游客国际游客对成都兴趣浓厚，如何提供庞大可选资源信息，从而综合有效地将旅游业推向国际社会，对成都提出了挑战。尽管信息资源跨度广，并且隐含了通往不同信息的更广泛的途径，成都的旅游业整体看起来，还是比较分散。成都政府代表暗示过这种分散特征，这对于管理、信息收集和高效措施的推进又提出了挑战。另外，缺乏流水线旅游组织会带来很多跟旅游相关的问题，比较有代表性的有质量监控和游客安全保障。更有甚者，在促进旅游时，缺乏通过网络进行合作，这让可持续推进旅游业发展所必须的，整体信息建设发展有不小的难度。

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Experience of “Visit Scotland” Based on a first glance, Scotland may appear as an unlike reference for Chengdu’s tourism promotion. Yet, the integrated approach of its tourism promotion strategy as well as the streamlined approach has won Scotland’s reputation in international tourism community.

While many sources of information bring Scotland to the rest of the world, one reliable, streamlined and comprehensive information source has simplified the concept of visiting Scotland and has connected assurance to people who are unfamiliar with the place. Tourism no doubtly has defined Scotland’s growth over the years. “Visit Scotland” has been a key phrase in its campaign towards the world. The creation of Scotland’s National Tourism furthered the integrated promotion of tourism within Scotland. A quick exploration in “Visit Scotland” brings a few relevant concepts to further develop Chengdu’s marketing approach through tourism promotion: unified tourism promotion through the use of technology and achieving effective tourism promotion through integrated record keeping.

“访问苏格兰”经历乍看上去，苏格兰并不像个成都旅游业发展的可借鉴对象。然而，它的旅游业发展战略中，整体措施、流水线方法，已为苏格兰在国际旅游业赢得了良好声誉。

通过多种资源，苏格兰各种各样的信息传到了世界各地，流水线综合信息资源也已经简化，变成了游览苏格兰的概念，并且针对不熟悉苏格兰的人，建立互信机制。毫无疑问，苏格兰近几年的发展已经打上了旅游业的烙印。“探访苏格兰”已经变成了它参与世界竞争的一把钥匙。苏格兰国家旅游业的创立促进了苏格兰内部旅游资源的整合。快速探索“探访苏格兰” 为成都进一步发展提供了一些相关概念：通过科技整体发展旅游业，通过整合记录更高效的促进旅游业发展。

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Scotland National Tourism organization serves as a platform for the consolidation of information from a large number of local (private) tourism services from the tourism industry and festivities/ special events organized by different government offices. One key feature of this streamlined tourism promotion approach is building a united front in bringing Scotland to the world. This is achieved through 1)the creation of an integrated information and service platform, 2) the collaboration between the tourism services providers and different offices within the government, and 3) use of technology to create and facilitate this integrated (online) platform to provided consolidated tourism information, streamlined service options and, most importantly, a united message about Scotland. As a visitor, an individual can obtain travel information from “Visit Scotland”, the guiding information centered maintained by Scotland’s National Tourism, and plan and contract travel services on his/her own. One thing to keep in mind is that this integrated platform does not require additional or expanded management of individual service providers; it is merely a platform for information exchange, between service providers and the government offices overseeing tourism activities, and between travellers and local tourism resources in Chengdu.

苏格兰国家旅游组织是作为一个服务平台，来集合来自于当地（私人）旅行社，以及来自于不同政府机构组织的旅游节，所带来的大量数据。这种流水作业促进旅游业发展的措施，建立了一道统一战线，带领苏格兰走向了世界。这些都是通过以下几个途径达到的：1）创建同意的信息服务平台，2）旅行社业主与不同政府机构合作，3）使用科技创建平台，并促进整体（在线）平台提供可靠的旅游信息、线性服务选项，以及最重要的一点，传递出苏格兰整体的信息。作为游客，个人能够通过“探访苏格兰”获取旅游资讯，这里有苏格兰国家旅游组织维护的信息向导，以及游客自己的旅游计划、既定旅行社等。需要牢记的一点是，这个整体平台不需要服务业个体业主额外支出或管理；它仅仅是作为一个信息交换平台，在旅游业主和政府机构间监督旅游活动，它也可以存在于成都的游客和当地旅游资源之间。

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In order to build an effective tourism promotion framework, assessment of what works and what does not work is necessary for future improvement. Data-driven assessment provides the scientific understanding of the functionality and success of particular programs. In the case of Chengdu’s tourism, effective promotion needs to be based on solid understanding of existing tourist population and the growth of population in the coming years, and then assessing the effectiveness of promotion strategies. An integrated platform that tracks information from tourism service providers and travellers could generate the necessary data for analysis.

为了创建高效的促进旅游发展框架，评估什么有用，什么没用，对于未来发展来说十分必要。以数据为激励的评估为功能性和特殊项目的成功提供了科学定义。在成都的旅游业案例汇总，高效推进旅游业发展必须基于对现有游客人口和近年来这个人口增长的切实了解，然后才能评估促进战略是否高效。一个整合的平台能够通过追踪旅游服务业主和游客的信息来生成数据，以备分析。

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Opportunity from 72-Hour Visa Free Program Chengdu is facing a rare opportunity to expand its tourism promotion thanks to the 72-hour visafree transit program. Though the 72-hour visafree transit program will allow larger number of travelers to shortly experience Chengdu, an understanding of the potential outcome of this visa-free program in connection of tourism could be helpful to target future promotion, which in turn could make the promotion more effective. First, what kind of new travelers will this program bring? Business travelers? Resort-type jetsetters? Young backpackers? Families? Population from nearby developing countries or from developed regions of the world further away? What kind of activities are most popular for short-travel in Chengdu and where will most of this new group of travelers go? Given the nature of visa-free program and the limitation on time, a preliminary estimate could infer more business travelers who transit through Chengdu for short stay. This could also imply that within the 3-day time framework, tourism activities for this new population could be within the vicinity of the city limit, with limited to none activities outside of the greater Chengdu region. All of above hypotheses could be verified by data-drive analysis. Additionally, integrated and comprehensive data could also help the local tourism bureau to analyze the “market” and “customers” by understanding the changing dynamic of travelers and tourism in Chengdu. Such assessment could help to enhance future targeted promotion and make tourism promotion more effective.

72 小时免签计划带来机遇多亏了 72 小时免签转换计划，成都正面临着旅游业发展的绝佳时机。尽管 72 小时免签转换计划将允许大量游客在成都短暂停留，理解这个免签计划与旅游业的关系，以及它可以带来的潜在产出，将会对未来的推进计划大有裨益，反过来它也会使促进计划更加高效。第一，这个计划会带来什么样的游客？上午旅客？度假类型的飞机客？年轻的背包客？一家人？临近发展中国家人们，还是更远的地方发达地区的人们？成都短途旅行最有名的项目是什么，大多数新游客团体会去哪里？考虑到免签计划的性质和时间限制，通过预先评估可以推断出商务旅客在成都转机短时间停留的可能性最大。这也表明，在三天框架内，针对新游客的旅游活动必须在城市范围附近展开，不能超出大成都区。以上猜想应该都能被以数据为依据的分析证实。另外，通过理解游客动态转换和成都旅游业的关系，综合整体数据可以帮助当地旅游局分析“市场”和“消费者”。这样的分析也能够加强未来目标促进计划和推动旅游业更高效发展的完成。

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·Chengdu, as a City of the Future Beyond marketing Chengdu more effectively through tourism, there is the need to integrate the city’s development into the global context, in doing so, marketing Chengdu as a city of the future. The global trend for city development has reached beyond focusing on just the scale and magnitude. Increasingly governments have experienced the need to develop and re-develop cities by focusing on the quality of development: quality of city’s residents and sustainability of the city’s own growth. In the context of Chengdu, there is both the challenge in rebranding the city from a city known for its history, culture and tourism to a city known for its leadership role in development.

Given the growing global recognition of climate change, many cities around the world have been moving in the direction of eco-sustainable growth. The concept of eco-city captures the integration of many aspects of city planning and operations: energy consumption, public health, pollution control, transportation, social welfare and landscaping, just to name a few. The realization of an eco-city requires interdisciplinary approach and more than the creation of new industries and visualization of “greenness”; it relies on the understanding of how being an eco-city can position the city in front of the global trend.

成都，未来之城通过旅游业更高效地经营成都之上，达到整合城市发展，融入全球背景的需求，才能够更好地在未来经营成都。城市发展的世界趋势已经达到了超越重点追求规模的水平。越来越多的政府经历过通过把重点放在发展质量，发展，再发展城市的过程：城市居民生活质量，和城市自身的可持续发展。在成都的环境背景下，重塑城市品牌也是一大挑战，要将以自己的历史、文化和旅游业而著称的成都，变成一个在发展过程中逐步走上领导角色的成都。

由于全球对于气候变化的认知在不断加深，世界上很多城市都积极往生态可持续发展方向发展。生态城市的概念抓住了城市规划与操作多个方面相结合的要点：能源消耗、公共健康、控制污染、交通、社会福利和环境美化，等等，不胜枚举。意识到生态城市的重要性需要互相监督机制，这比创造新产业和“绿色”可视化有效；它基于一个理解，即成为生态城市将让城市走在全球大势的最前沿。

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Masdar City, Abu Dhabi, UAE and the city of Curitiba, Brazil Masdar city has been envisioned and planned as a city of the future. It is designed to highly planned and carefully crafted city with the intention of sole reliance on alternative energy. Masdar city has been regarded as an experimental city with high target for sustainability in city development and operations. Because of its futuristic conception in the beginning, Masdar city has been buttressed on strong local financial support and international expertise (in designing and planning of the city). The experience of Masdar city and information generated (on successes and challenges) could serve as the foundation for other cities, like Chengdu, in their own development. Please refer to literature and other sources for additionally background information on Masdar city.

阿拉伯联合酋长国的马斯达尔城和巴西的库里蒂巴城马斯达尔城要规划建成一个未来之城。基于单一依赖可替代能源这一理念，它的设计是通过高级规划和仔细起草完成的。马斯达尔城被认为是一个实验性的城市，因为城市发展与战略实施考虑到了可持续性这一高目标。因为它在一开始就提到了这个未来主义的概念，当地财政和跨国企业（设计并规划城市）为马斯达尔城的建设提供了支持。马斯达尔城的经验和生成的信息资源（成功和挑战部分）可以为像成都这样的城市在发展过程中提供信息基础。获取马斯达尔城更多的背景信息请参考文献及其他资源。

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The city of Curitiba is a centrally-located major metropolitan in Brazil, serving as a regional center for the country similar to Chengdu. The city has rich history, and continuous to evolve by blending the traditional with the modern. In recent years, Curitiba has joined the network of “Sustainable City” in the process of advancing the metropolitan to the new era. Please refer to the city’s website and other literature for more background information about the city.

库里蒂巴城是巴西中心规划的主要大城市，它在巴西区域中心的地位和成都很相似。这座城市有着丰富的历史，并继续将传统与现代相融合。近几年来，库里蒂巴在推进超级大都市进入发展新阶段的进程中，加入了“可持续城市”网络。请参考城市的门户网站，以及有关城市更多背景信息的其他文献。

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Key Aspects of Masdar and Curitiba’s Recent Development One key aspect of development in both Masda and Curitiba is the focus on promoting and leading the establishment of new industries related to sustainability. Different government incentives were put in place for industries working on new/ alternative energy, research and development of sustainable materials, and production in sustainable products. The cities themselves, though with historical roots, have been re-designed with new concept of human-ecology interaction, regeneration of energy, balanced energy consumption at the community and city levels.

In planning for Masda and Curitiba, there was the recognition of development in resourceconstraint settings. Additionally, planning of these cities were challenged and constrained by their historical setting; both settings had to re-imagine themselves in a changing global environment. Sustainability as a development concept has a range of interpretations and is associated with a large selection of realization processes.

Both Masda and Curitiba, but developing themselves as eco-cities, have been part of the ecocity network at the global level. Besides promoting themselves from the city perspective, both cities have been capitalized on promotion of the “ecocity” concept through international platforms, such as the Eco-city Project. Developing a eco-city has provided an attractive financial argument for city planning. National governments and international agencies have been interested in promoting eco-city and investment has been realizing through funding opportunities from these sources. Besides the cases of Masda and Curitiba, China’s Tianjin has also received international financial and expertise support in developing a new and ecologically sustainable city. Being part of an elite and frontier

马斯达尔和库里蒂巴近年来发展的关键要素

对马斯达尔和库里蒂巴两个城市来说，有个关键要素是它们发展的共同点，那就是专注推进并领导与可持续发展相关的，新产业的建设。不同政府激励都将新 / 可替代能源，可持续金属的研究与发展和可持续产品的产值放在了重要位置。这些城市本身，尽管历史悠久，但还是以人与生态交互的新概念，能源再生，平衡社区和城市级别的能源消耗，进行了再设计。

为马斯达尔和库里蒂巴计划的过程中，资源紧约型发展模式已被认知了。另外，这些城市的计划都受到了挑战，并且受到它们历史定位的约束；这些定位需要在变化的全球环境中，重新想象它们的自身地位。可持续发展作为一个发展理念，有着一系列的解读，并与意识进程的大量选择相关联。

马斯达尔和库里蒂巴都作为生态城市在发展自身，并在全球层面上，成为了生态城市网的一部分。除了在城市角度推进自身发展，它们都通过国际平台，比如生态城市项目，来利用促进“生态城市” 发展这个概念。发展生态城市为城市规划提供了极具吸引力的财政争议。国家政府

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group of cities, Chengdu has the potential to be engaged in international collaborations; these collaborations could be between cities with the ecocity framework, between city and industries with the development of new industries, and between city and research institutions that generate research knowledge related to sustainable development.

Chengdu is well-positioned in developing itself as a global city by capitalizing on the “Garden City” concept. In connection with the integration of human and nature in city planning, the promotion of new industries focused on suitability and alternative energy could distinguish Chengdu from other developing cities. There are opportunities to join force with international organizations in sustainability arena for marketing/branding the city as an “eco-city”. Demonstration projects, research projects and international conference on sustainable development could attract global forces in sustainable development to Chengdu. At the same time, hosting and engaging in international activities on sustainability could propel and advertise Chengdu as leader in the global trend. Given the small number of existing eco-cities, Chengdu also has the opportunity to join force with other developing cities globally for resourcessharing, intellectual-exchange and mutualpromotion.

和国际机构都对生态城市发展很有兴趣，通过利用资源，抓住机会投入资金，投资方也已经意识到了这一点。除了马斯达尔和库里蒂巴的例子，中国天津在发展新型生态可持续城市时，也接收到了国际财政和企业的支持。作为精英前沿城市团体的一份子，成都有潜力投入到国际合作中去；这些合作可以在生态城市框架内，城与城之间进行，也可以与新产业相关，在城市和产业间进行，也可以是城市和研究机构之间，这些机构通常研究并提供可持续发展相关研究知识。

利用“花园城市”理念，成都在发展自身成为国际城市的过程中，找到了很好的定位。在城市规划中，人与自然相结合，成为了一个整体，重点发展可持续性和可替代能源推进新产业发展，这些都使成都从其他发展中城市中脱颖而出。成都有机会在可持续发展舞台上，与国际组织合作，经营 / 树立城市的“生态城市”品牌。就可持续发展问题推出的演示计划，研究计划和国际会议能够吸引全球注意力，关注成都的可持续发展情况。与此同时，举办和参与国际可持续发展活动也能够在国际趋势中推进和宣传成都的领导地位。由于现有的生态城市数量不多，成都也有机会同世界上其他发展中城市进行资源共享，思想交流和相互促进发展。

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·Conclusion To effectively market Chengdu and to establish Chengdu as a global city of the future, there is much need to define the effectiveness from operational and logistics standpoint. As the city has been successful at its current promotion efforts, integration of comprehensive platforms and using data-driven assessment for city promotion outcomes would enhance the effectiveness of the city’s promotion and to elevate Chengdu to the international stage. Additionally, by envisioning and rebranding itself as an eco-city of the future would better position Chengdu in the global community.

结论想要高效经营成都，并在未来将成都打造成一个国际都市，我们需要从实际操作和逻辑角度出发，来定义高效。通过目前的推进措施成效来看，成都已经做得很好了，然而，在评估城市发展产出时，整体考虑综合平台、使用数据刺激评估的方式，能够加强城市发展，将成都提升到国际舞台上。另外，未来展望和重塑生态城市的品牌，都会有助于成都在国际社会上获取更佳的位置。

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Programs for the Elderly: Models and Ideas for Chengdu 养老计划：为成都量身定做模型和思路 Ezra Stoller, Harvard University

·Introduction Throughout our visit to Chengdu this past August, our meetings and site visits largely focused on modernization of the city. The city as a whole seems to have prioritized greening efforts, supports the growing fields of entrepreneurship and technology, and successfully has caught the attention of international companies that are looking to invest and expand in Southwestern China. Yet, as any city continues to develop, it is imperative to also consider the elderly population that lives within the city limits and support programs that better serve their needs.

摘要在刚刚过去的八月，通过对成都的访问，我们将大部分会议及实地参观集中在了城市的现代化上。从整体上来看，这座城市似乎将绿化放到了优先位置，通过支持与企业、技术相关的领域发展，成都已经成功地引起了想在中国西南投资扩建的国际公司的关注。然而，和其他谋求可持续发展的城市一样，市内老年人口问题也亟待解决，成都通过支持养老计划，希望可以更好地满足他们的需求。

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·2013 Global AgeWatch Index The 2013 Global AgeWatch Index has been compiled by HelpAge International, an international non-profit organization which advocates for elderly populations around the world to claim their rights and secure dignified, healthy lives. The index strives to capture the quality of life of older people in different countries, and in the process, document performance and promote improvement. This years index researched ninety-one countries across four different categories: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Income Security Health Status Employment and Education Enabling Environment (Freedom of choice to live independently)

This year, when all four factors were aggregated, China ranked 35th. Using this survey as a starting point, I will present programs which exist in Sweden, Germany, and the Netherlands (ranked 1st, 3rd and 4th respectively) to provide ideas and models that Chengdu could consider and possibly put into practice, modifying preexisting models to fit a Chinese cultural context. Of course, these programs exist within a particular cultural context, and would need modification in order to be implemented in urban China. Nonetheless, these programs’ creativity, prioritization of quality of care, and their foresight in anticipation of future societal changes make them useful models.

2013 全球老年生活指数 2013 全球老年生活指数由国际助老会汇集，国际助老会是一个非盈利性组织，旨在世界范围内，鼓励老年人为自己的安全保障和生活健康争取权益。这项指数力求反映不同国家老年人的生活质量情况，并在此过程中记录绩效，推进生活水平提高。2013 年度的生活指数来自于对 91 个国家、4 个不同类别的调查：

1. 2. 收入保障 3. 健康状况 4. 就业与教育政策空间（有选择独立生活的自由）

参考本年度这四个方面收集到的数据，中国的老年人生活质量全球排名第 35 位。以这个调查为出发点，本文将展示瑞典、德国和荷兰（分别排名第一、第三和第四位）这三个国家的养老计划，为成都养老计划的思路和模板提供参考借鉴，从而通过改变先前的模式来适应中国文化背景。当然，这些计划也都是在特定的文化背景下产生的，因此，要使之适用于中国城市，必须对其进行调整和改变。尽管如此，这些计划的创造性、优先考虑关怀质量，以及它们对于未来社会变化的远瞻性，都是其能够成为有用模式的关键因素。

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·Sweden: Alternatives to Institutionalization Seniors Living Together: As Swedish cities continue to grow and modernize, residential neighborhoods are progressively built to meet the needs of the elderly and of the disabled. Most notably, this means that accessibility requirements have become more prominent, such that ordinary Swedish aging population increasingly prefer to live in “senior housing,” relatively normal homes, but built especially for those ages 55 and up. The idea is that in a city, housing is built and developed to be inhabited by an older demographic. Many who move into these neighborhoods are healthy and physically active when they settle in these non-institutionalized ‘senior housing.’ When these residents eventually start to grow weak and impaired, the infrastructure is already in place to meet their heightened needs. This means buildings are built with wide hallways to eventually accommodate wheelchairs, and buildings are designed with elevators that eventually serve an increasingly immobile population.

In short, preemptively prioritizing accessibility when building of housing helps everyone involved. Most importantly, it eases the transition all aged populations face from active to less mobile, while maintaining citizens’ independence and dignity, without having to resort to formal institutionalization. Additionally, with seniors living closer together in a city, it facilitates programs and services that cater to them. With the senior population relatively concentrated, in-house care can more efficiently be delivered. Seniors provide one another a social outlet and peer group, when extended family may live in different towns, or are too preoccupied working to spend day-to-day life with the senior.

瑞典：制度化的替代品老人群居模式：随着瑞典城市的发展和现代化，小区居委会的建设也被要求，必须满足老人和残疾人的需求。显而易见，这意味着准入需求问题凸显出来，因此越来越多的普通瑞典老人倾向于住到“老年公寓”中去，这些房子看上去普普通通，但却是为年龄达到 55 岁及以上的老人们特别建造的。这个想法是，城市应该建造房屋让老龄人口居住。很多人搬进小区，并在这些非机构化的“老年公寓” 定居下来时，健康、身体状况良好，而当他们身体开始变差，为了满足更高的需求，基础设施已经筹备完善，也就是说，这些建筑在建过程中，就已经准备了轮椅通道，同时也设计好了电梯，建成后可以满足越来越多行动不便的老龄人口需求。

简言之，在建造公寓时提前优化准入机制，实际上是帮助了与此相关的每个人。更为重要的是，它帮助每个上年纪的人，让他们由盛到衰的过程更轻松一些，同时避免了将老人送入正式机构，维护了公民的自主性和尊严。另外，随着城中老年人口群居现象越来越普遍，它还推进了服务老年人计划的发展。当老龄人口相对集中时，家庭看护服务将会变得更加高效。老龄人的亲人们可能生活在不同的城市，或是工作太忙，没办法每天陪伴他们，这样老年人相互间可以组成自己的社交圈或是同龄人圈子。

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Help Delivered to Home by Municipality: Almost all Swedish municipalities offer meals that can be delivered to a home. Additionally, meals are often arranged and served as adult day centers. In either model of delivery food to the elderly that need it, it allows seniors to remain independent, living in their own home for as long as possible, safely and healthily.

Additionally, when seniors reach a point when they are no longer able to live entirely on the their own, seniors can apply for municipally organized in-home around the clock care. In Sweden, rates for this care are calculated according to income, and degree of care needed. Nonetheless, many resources are made available so that seniors can live in their own homes as long as possible, to maintain independence and dignity. Sweden’s emphasis and priority of thinking ahead, and of provided social service at the municipal level all serve that goal.

市政府送帮助到家：瑞典几乎所有的市政府都提供餐饮送到家服务。另外，还有成人日常中心回来安排和提供餐饮服务。不论是哪种送食物形式，它都会保证老人的独立性，在安全和健康都有保障的前提下，他们想在自己家住多久都可以。

另外，当老人们不再想要完全一个人生活时，他们可以申请市政府组织的家庭钟点工服务。在瑞典，特殊关怀需求率将会根据老人收入和所需关怀程度来计算。尽管如此，老人们可获取的资源还是很多的，这样他们就可以尽量久的住在自己家里，有助于维护老人的独立性和尊严。这就是瑞典人首要考虑和强调的，他们提供的市政级别社会服务都是为了达成这个目标。

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·Sweden and Germany: Professional Development of Caretaking Sector As citizens live longer due to advances in healthcare, the caretaking work force are increasingly trusted with implementing and overseeing complex treatments to keep elderly populations healthy and safe. What follows outlines Swedish and German professional development in this sector, and the advantages of investing in a high skilled work-force.

Monetary Investment Strategy: From 2011 – 2014, the Swedish government plans to spend SEK 1 billion (~ USD 152 million) on additional training programs.

In 2006, three main German social welfare federations partnered to improve the training system of the care sector in Germany. In anticipation of a huge demand for caregivers as the population ages, Caritas (affiliated with the Catholic Church), Diakonisches Werk (affiliated with the Evangelical Church), Paritätischer Wohlfahrtsverband (independent) formed the Third Sector Qualification in Elderly Care partnership. Through this partnership, a ‘job rotation’ program was implemented. Those who already worked in the care sector were given specialized training and time away from their current job. During this time, previously unemployed people were given a chance to enter the work force and gain experience, hopefully helping them in finding a permanent job. The trainings prepared the workers well to reenter the workforce with newfound skills and professionalism. After the trainings, 70% of the trainees found steady jobs in the care sector.

瑞典和德国：实施关怀计划的专业发展市民寿命长短与健康关怀的进步息息相关，通过实施和监督用以保证老年人健康和安全的、复杂的治疗手段，健康关怀工作越来越受到民众信赖。瑞典和德国这方面的专业发展和投资高技术劳动力的优势，都是根据框架来分类的。

财政投资策略： 2011 年到 2014 年，瑞典政府计划在再就业培训项目中投资十亿瑞典币（约合 1520 万美元）。

到 2006 年，三大德国社会福利联合会相互合作，在德国推进了关怀计划中的培训系统。相对于人口年龄而言，可以预见，关怀施予者的需求量将会很大，Caritas（天主教堂的附属机构）， Diakonisches Werk（福音教教堂的附属机构），Paritätischer Wohlfahrtsverband （独立机构）在老龄人口关怀系统内组成了一个第三方认证机构。基于他们之间的合作关系，一个名叫“工作大转盘” 的计划开始实施了。那些已经在关怀机构工作过的员工仍需暂时离开他们的现有岗位，接受特殊培训，在此阶段，之前未接受过培训的人员也将获得假如机构、获得工作经验的机会，很有可能帮助他们找到一份永久的的工作。这些培训工作人员走上岗位前，具备了新技能，接受了专业培训，已经做好了重复准备，培训后 70% 的学生能够在关怀中心找到稳定工作。

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Implications: Elder Safety and Job Legitimacy: The Swedish and German examples both show how investing in rigorous training to prepare those to enter the care sector is a smart plan for the future. While the trainings have not been standardized, these trainings hold caregivers to a high standard and make sure that they have a growing understanding of how to handle more complex treatments and forms of care. In addition to maintaining the safety of those who are taken care of, these trainings further legitimize the sector. Care giving has sometimes been thought of as requiring relatively little training, and has not always been an attractive field to enter. These trainings legitimize the hard work of those who work in the field. As a result, the hope is that more people will be attracted to work in the care giving field, which is a crucial step in preparing the for the growing demand as populations in Sweden and Germany age.

引申：老人安全及工作合法化：瑞典和德国的例子都显示了，在激烈的培训过程中如何进行投资，从而准备进入关怀机构，对于这部分人群来说，这也不失为一个聪明的未来计划。而当培训还未标准化时，这些培训将会将关怀者放到一个较高的标准上，保证他们对于如何处理更复杂的情况，以及对于关怀形式的理解把握，都有长进。另外，为保障受关怀人的安全，这些培训也进一步让关怀机构合法化了。施予关怀有时会被认为需要各自进行短期培训，而且常常被认为是个没什么吸引力的领域。正是这些培训让这个领域的繁重工作，变得合法化了。因此，让人感到希望的是，越来越多的人们将会被吸引到关爱领域中来。瑞典和德国人口年龄结构导致需要关怀的人越来越多，而培训正为此做好了关键准备。

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·NETHERLANDS: Innovation in Treating Dementia The Village of Hogewey: Located outside of Amsterdam, the village of Hogewey offers patients with dementia much more freedom and independence than they would have in more traditional institutionalized convalescent homes. Hogewey is a self contained microcosm, or a shrunken Dutch city. The 152 residents there are cared for by about 250 full-time and part-time staff members, and they roam the streets of this contained society.1 They are given the freedom to go the beauty salon, or walk the streets on a sunny day. In spite of suffering from various degrees of dementia, the residents of Hogewey are given freedom to live in the moment and make their own choices. Because they are contained, they are not at risk for getting lost or getting hurt. If they lose their way, a staff member can help them. 2

As Chengdu continues to expand and add rings to the metropolitan area, the city has prioritized reserving space for green space for city residents. This sort of model of building a self contained village which grants those suffering form dementia, or other conditions associated with aging seems possible in the Chengdu context, as it grows and builds in space outside the city center. At its core, this model strives to maintain the dignity and freedom of the elderly, all while keeping them safe.

荷兰：治疗痴呆症患者的创新霍格威村庄：与传统康复中心相比，阿姆斯特丹郊区的霍格威村庄为痴呆症患者提供了更多的独立自由空间。霍格威村庄是一个封闭式微世界，或者说荷兰城市的缩影。大约有 250 名全职或兼职员工为霍格威村 152 位居民提供健康服务，而他们能够在这个微社会的大街小巷徜徉。 1 他们有去美容沙龙的自由，也可以在阳光灿烂的日子里逛逛街。尽管都患有不同程度的痴呆症，霍格威的居民都有当下的生活和自由选择的权利。而且由于住在这个密闭空间里，他们并没有走丢或是受伤的危险。如果他们无所适从，关怀机构的员工可以帮助他们。2

由于成都正在持续发展，并在市中心领域添加环线，城市应该优先为居民预留绿地空间。荷兰这种建造自我封闭式村庄来保障痴呆症患者或其他老龄化状况的方法，对于成都的现状来说也很适用，它也可以仿造这种方法，在市中心外发展建造独立空间，在中心地区，这种模式力求在保证安全的前提下，维护老人尊严，保证老人自由。

1. Hans, Barbara. "Living in the Moment: Dutch Village Offers Dignified Care for Dementia Sufferers." Spiegel Online International. N.p., 29 Mar. 2012. Web. 27 Nov. 2013. <http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/dutch-village-for-elderly-withdementia-offers-alternative-care-a-824582.html> 2. Henley, Jon. "The Village Where People Have Dementia – and Fun." The Guardian. N.p., 27 Aug. 2012. Web. 26 Nov. 2013. <http://www.theguardian.com/society/2012/aug/27/dementia-village-residents-have-fun>.

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·The Elderly as an Untapped Resource So often the elderly in cities find themselves isolated from youth outside direct family relations. Because many elderly people are less physically mobile and have retired, it is easy to brand them as an economic burden.

Yet to singularly categorize them in that way is shortsighted. The elderly are an incredibly rich resource of institutional and cultural memory, and of course, wisdom. In my own experience working with the elderly through various oral history projects in both high school and college, listening to the elderly tell their stories is incredibly satisfying. Giving the elderly a chance to share and speak about their experiences is also valuable. It is a reminder of the richness of their life experiences. To that end, I would recommend giving the elderly an option of affiliating with local schools and universities. This affiliation would allow for more intergenerational contact and provide a platform for listening and sharing.

老年人是一种未开发资源城市老年人发现自己被外界环境中年轻家属排除在外的现象屡见不鲜。这是因为很多老年人行动不便，或是已经退休，人们很容易将他们与经济负担联系在一起。

然而，简单地这样看待他们是目光短浅的，老年人宝贵的制度和文化记忆宝藏极为丰富，当然他们的睿智也是一种资源。我自己也曾有和长者一起工作的经历，在高中和大学的口述历史项目上，我都聆听过老人们引人入胜的故事。给老人们提供机会，让他们和大家分享，说出自己的经历也十分有价值。这是对于他们人生丰富经历的追忆，对于这一点，我会推荐一个方法：给老人选择权，让他们决定，是否愿意挂靠当地中学或者大学。这种挂靠关系将会给老人们提供机会，进行隔代交流，同时也给学生和老人分别提供了倾听和分享的平台。

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·Conclusion These programs and ideas exist within specific cultural contexts, in societies and cities much smaller than the nation and many large cities of China. Having said that, these models provide valuable food for thought to promote models of care that are respectful of the elderly, their dignity and independence. Some project that the Chinese population in 2050 those over sixty years old will make up ~33% of the population. Because of this, it is imperative to consider the way to best promote the care sector and prepare to meet this anticipated new demand of care. In a country with a rich history of filial piety and respect for the elderly, it is imperative to develop thoughtful programs to continue to serve this population. Chengdu, as it develops as an innovative city, is in a unique position to be a leader amongst large Chinese cities in promoting sustainable models of care.

结论这些计划和想法必须在特定的文化背景下实施，在中国，和许多大城市相比，它们更适合在较小的社区或城市生存。以上阐述完后，这些模式将为推进老人关怀提供有价值的精神食粮，维护老人尊严，保证他们的独立性。有人预言，到 2050 年，中国超过 60 岁的人口比例将会占总人口的 33% 以上。正因如此，思考推进关怀计划，或者说满足需要关怀人群的需求，已经迫在眉睫。中国有着悠久的尊老历史，发展有内涵的项目来延续传统、服务老人，这个任务也十分紧迫。成都正朝着一座创新城市发展，在中国大城市中推行老龄关怀的可持续模式上，它正充当着独特的领头羊作用。

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Youth Empowerment: Chengdu’s Future 赋予青年权力：成都的未来 Neha Dalal, Harvard University

·Harvard Urban Innovation and Future Leadership Program in Chengdu 20131 This report seeks to provide several suggestions on how Chengdu, China can empower its youth; it is limited, however, by the author’s knowledge of Chengdu and is intended to merely serve as a call to action and starting point for future brainstorming and development.

2013 成都哈佛城市创新和未来领导力项目 1 本报告旨在向成都提供如何赋予青年权力的几种建议，这些建议可能会受到作者对成都有限了解而受限。在此，它仅作为一个呼吁和号召，一个未来头脑风暴和发展的起点。

1. This report is for the sole use of the Harvard Urban Innovation and Future Leadership Program in Chengdu. In particular, it is only intended for distribution to the program’s April 28, 2014 dinner attendees and any additional distribution should only be undertaken with the permission of the author.

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A visitor does not have to spend a significant amount of time in Chengdu before hearing the remark that “youth should never come to Chengdu or they will not want to leave.” Indeed, Chengdu’s rapid development, new hi-tech zone, universities, arts district and green areas have only increased the allure of the city already famous for its relaxing atmosphere. Despite this, however, youth appear to remain an untapped potential not actively engaged with by nor significantly involved in their city.2 There is a great need to address this, as Chengdu’s future is directly correlated to the empowerment of its youth. In his book Triumph of the City, Harvard professor Edward Glaeser argues that in order to thrive, cities necessitate human capital.3 Youth, relatively mobile and the future of the workforce, are primary candidates. Beyond attraction of youth, however, cities that do not engage youth are neither fully using nor cultivating nearly half of their citizens.4 This is why governments and organizations around the world are stressing the importance of and facilitating youth engagement—the United Nations, for example, proclaimed August 2010 to August 2011 to be the International Year of Youth.5 Through empowering its youth, Chengdu will benefit from and develop capable leaders invested in the city, thereby carving out an important portion of its future.

来到成都不需要多久时间，你就会听到一种说法“年轻人不要来成都，不然他们肯定不愿意离开这里。”的确，成都在飞速发展，它的高新科技区，大学，艺术园区以及城市绿植无疑增加了这个城市的魅力，也让本就以休闲著称的成都更加充满闲适的气氛。尽管如此，这里的青年似乎仍保留着未开发的潜力，未能有效融入到他们的城市建设中。2 之所以特地强调青年的使命感，是因为它直接关系到成都市的未来。哈佛教授爱德华·格莱泽曾经在他的书《城市的胜利》中指出，为了生存，城市急需人才。3 青年，相对来说流动性强，未来的中坚力量，是最主要的候选人。但除了吸引青年以外，那些不能很好融入青年的城市既没有充分利用其优势，有没有充分培养它近一半的市民。 4 这就是为什么世界上的政府和组织如此强调青年参与的重要性，推动青年的参与，例如美国，宣布 2010 年 8 月到 2011 年 8 月为世界青年年。5 通过向青年赋予权力，成都将从中获益，并为这座城市培育了领袖，从而为它的将来谋划了蓝图。

2. This is the first of many observations made by the author during her time in the US and Chengdu. Due to limited information, such observations have not been otherwise verified and will be expressed through words like “appears” or cited as personal experience. 3. Glaeser, Edward. Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier. Penguin, 2011. Print. 4. "Chinese Youth Overview." Center for Youth. Web. 1 Dec. 2013. <http://www.centerforyouth.org/files/PDF%20files/Overviews/Chinese%20Youth%20overview.pdf> 5. "Empowering Youth Is Essential For Developing Inclusive Cities." Cities Alliance. Web. 1 Dec. 2013. <http://www. citiesalliance.org/node/2164>.

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Governments and other bodies around the world are increasingly learning the benefits of including the unique perspective and skills of youth. Youth councils or representatives are a common way youth are incorporating in decision-making and action. In Europe, pan-regional, national and local youth councils are common, including the 99-member European Youth Council6; myriad nonprofits and cities have youth councils in the United States; and countries in the Middle East to Asia boast national level youth councils.7 Such bodies have varying levels of authority, but normally work to increase youth civic involvement; organize and participate in service work in their communities; and advise and act on matters of youth interest, such as youth employment or education. More specific forms of youth councils also exist. In Beaverton, Oregon in the United States, a mayor’s youth advisory board hosts annual events for homeless students, a senior nursing home, and local schools; conducts an annual youth survey; and sends representatives to every other city council. Meanwhile the school board includes student representatives who provide their unique first-hand experience on their schools.8 Youth councils could also potentially serve as valuable liaisons to other cities, organizations, or even nations. The annual National League of Cities Conference in the United States invites representatives from youth councils around the nation who then participate in idea-sharing exercises.9 Even more pointedly, the mayor of Kota, Rajasthan—a large city in northern India—recently extended an invitation to the mayor of Chengdu to arrange for collaboration between youth of the two cities.10 The establishment of a youth council in Chengdu could provide valuable insight on ways to further engage youth as well as specific projects and collaborative efforts that would benefit the entire city.

世界上的政府及其他组织已经逐渐懂得从培养年轻人的独特视角和能力中获益。青年理事会及代表是青年参与决策制定和执行的一个普遍渠道。欧洲，泛区域层面，国家层面和当地的青年理事会非常普遍，包括 99 成员欧洲青年理事会 6；美国无数非盈利组织和城市里都有青年理事会；中东到亚洲的一系列国家都在推动国家层面的青年理事会 7 。这类机构有不同层级的权限，但通常为了提高青年的社会参与度；组织青年参与社区服务工作，为青年的利益，如就业和教育，建言献策并付诸行动。青年理事会的更多更具体的形式也存在着。在美国俄勒岗州比佛顿市，市长的青年建议委员会会为无家可归的学生，高级养老院里的老人以及当地的学校举办年度活动。同时，校委员会将吸纳学生代表，他们会将自己独特的第一手体验反馈给学校。8 一个城市的青年理事会潜在里也保持着与其他城市，组织，甚至国家的宝贵联系。在美国举办的年度全国城市联盟会议邀请了来自全国青年理事会的地标加入，他们将分享自己的经验。9 更值得一提的是，印度北部一个大型城市——拉贾斯坦省哥打市的市长最近邀请成都市场组织两个城市青年之间的沟通合作。10 成都青年理事会的成立将为青年未来的融入提供有交织的见解，同时具体项目以及共同努力将使成都整个城市都从中受益。

6. European Youth Forum. Web. 1 Dec. 2013. <http://www.youthforum.org/european-youth-form/>. 7. “Youth Council.” Wikipedia. Web. 1 Dec. 2013. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Youth_council> 8. “Mayor’s Youth Advisory Board”. Beaverton. Web. 1 Dec. 2013. <http://www.beavertonoregon.gov/index.aspx?NID=289> 9. Based on personal experience 10. ibid.

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Beyond formal councils or representatives, governmental or other organizations can benefit from including youth staff or volunteers. Members of the rising generation possess unique abilities, such as language, social media, or technological skills—organizations around the world have increasingly taken advantage of this. Even during the Harvard Urban Innovation and Future Leadership Program in Chengdu (UIFL) 2013, the significant improvement a temporary young translator with strong English skills made on facilitating conversation was significant. Incorporating youth in such a manner and thereby having them contribute equally and alongside their elders would also bring generations closer, especially significant for those concerned about a generational gap.11 Chengdu can benefit significantly from drawing upon the skills of its youth formally or informally.

在正式的委员会和代表之外，政府和其他区组织也可以从青年员工或志愿者的招募中获益。现在正在成长的这一代已经表现出出色的能力，如在语言方面，社会媒体方面以及高科技水平——全球的组织已经从中得到便利。在 2013 成都哈佛城市创新和未来领导力项目（UIFL）中，临时的年轻翻译官用流利的英语技能使交流对话得到了显著提升。将青年融入到这种工作，让他们与前辈们做对等的贡献，可以拉近他们之间的距离，尤其是对那些担心有代沟的人。11 成都能从充分正式或非正式利用青年的能力这方面显著受益。

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In addition to short-term benefits, youth engagement would also help develop capable future citizens with real world experience. Through directly collaborating with and fostering collaboration between schools and businesses, the government can equip students with practical experience and flexible capabilities. For example, some businesses within the Chengdu Hi-tech Industrial Development Zone already report working with universities to host special programs to teach students the skills needed for a particular career while artists in the Blue Roof Zone mentor individual students12—these are models that could be potentially expanded and encouraged. Similarly, every asset of Chengdu can be turned into such an opportunity. For example, Chengdu’s renowned Research Base of Giant Panda Breeding could incorporate youth volunteers or research internships. One potential model of this is the Oregon Zoo in the United States, where youth from ages ten and up can volunteer to work with animals, help out with community events, offer tours, learn about the animals or conservation, be mentored by adult staff, or assist in research.13 Such programs would provide unique training to youth.

除了短期的好处，青年的融入也将对未来的居民提供应对世界的能力和经验。通过学校和企业之间的直接合作和培养，政府可以让学生具备实际经验以及多样能力。例如，成都高新科技工业发展区中的部分项目已经在与学校简历合作，举办特殊的项目来教授同学职场上所需能力，而蓝屋顶区的艺术家们在亲自带学生，充当导师 12——这些都是可以继续发展和鼓励的模板。同样，成都的每一笔财富都可以幻化成机会。例如，成都驰名的大熊猫繁殖基地就会与青年志愿者或研究实习生开展合作。美国俄勒冈动物园的模式是一个潜在模型，那就是十岁以上的青少年可以志愿在里边与动物工作，由成年工作人员作为导师，协助设局开展活动，提供导览帮助，了解动物，学习如何对话，或协助开展科研。13 这种项目将为青年提供独特的培训机会。

11. "New School: What's Causing China's Growing Generation Gap?" The Atlantic. 14 Mar. 2013. Web. 1 Dec. 2013. <http://www.theatlantic.com/china/archive/2013/03/new-school-whats-causing-chinas-growing-generationgap/274001/>. 12. Based on personal experience 13. “Volunteer at the Zoo”. Oregon Zoo. Web. 1 Dec. 2013. <http://www.oregonzoo.org/get-involved/volunteer-zoo>.

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The opportunity to build such skills is especially important in providing equal opportunity to all youth. Approximately one in five children in China are the children of migrant workers, who face unusually harsh circumstances.14 Targeted internship programs could be enormously helpful in equipping them with the skills needed to acquire high-wage jobs while providing them avenues to explore careers they may not have on their own. Indeed, experts around the world argue that empowering youth is essential for developing inclusive cities.15 Although students may initially be reluctant to pursue such opportunities due to school commitments, raising awareness of the benefits and increasing the prestige of such work—such as through government announcements—could counter this. Increasingly high numbers of schools in China and abroad also seem to be recognizing the value of such pursuits. Indeed, a strong example of real world education can be found at Harvard College. From the application to the college itself, hands-on community engagement, student organizations, internships, research, and similar pursuits are heavily encouraged and pursued at Harvard—it is understood that what one learns outside the classroom is as important, if not more so, than what one learns inside. Paving the way for more youth to acquire real world experience today would pave the way for more skillful leaders tomorrow.

建立这种技术的机会对于向青年开放机会一样重要。大约中国五分之一的孩子是农民工子弟，他们会面临非常严峻的环境。14 有针对性的实习项目将很大程度上帮他们培训谋求高薪工作的能力，同时为他们铺设路线，寻求那些靠自己很难发掘的职业规划。的确，世上的专家指出让青年变强是建立包容性格诚实的核心。15 虽然学生最初可能因为学校的作业压力，很不情愿去寻找这些机会，慢慢的随着意识的增强和这种工作的声誉增强——如通过政府的公告——将会解决这个问题。越来越多的中国以及国外的学校开始意识到其中的价值。的确，哈佛大学中就有一个社会实践教育的强有力例子。从申请这所大学本身，社区工作经历，学生社团经历，实习，科研以及类似的经历被哈佛所追捧和鼓励——因为它知道一个学生从课堂外所获取的知识一样重要，或更为重要。为更多青年铺就体验真实世界经验的道路就是为未来更具技能的领导者在铺路。

14. Browne, Andrew. "Left-Behind Children of China's Migrant Workers Bear Grown-Up Burdens”. The Wall Street Journal. 17 Jan. 2014. Web. 28 Mar. 2014. <http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304173704579260900849637692>. 15. "Empowering Youth Is Essential For Developing Inclusive Cities."

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The leaders that emerge from youth engagement also have the potential to be leaders in their community, invested in their city. Youth in Chengdu today appear to have minimal knowledge of Chengdu’s urban innovation plans.16 From the High-Tech Zone to the development of the green belt, the citizens who will live in Chengdu for the next several decades are unaware of the plan for the next several decades. Ironically, students from other nations—such as those participating in UIFL— are briefed and asked for advice when students from Chengdu seem to be not. To address this, the city could benefit significantly from allowing youth to sit in and even participate, to some extent, during government council meetings. Moreover, youth should be inspired to serve their communities in some way to encourage ties between the growing generation and Chengdu. For example, since 1989, the United States Presidents have championed the Points of Life program, which recognizes one normal citizen each day who has tackled a community need through volunteer service17; the city of Chengdu could establish a smaller version. Other cities around the world encourage youth to participate in competitions to design community art, architecture, or parks or suggest other improvements for their city. By encouraging youth to invest in Chengdu, Chengdu not only gains valuable contributions in the short term but also valuable contributors in the long term.

从青年锻炼融入中诞生的领导者将更具潜力带领他的团队，投入城市建设中。今天成都的青年仿佛并不知晓成都城市创新计划。从高新科园区到绿色绿化带的发展，未来几十年里，住在成都的居民将在这期间对此一无所知。16 讽刺的是，其他国家的学生，例如参加 UIFL 的学生，听取并提供了他们的建议，而成都学生却不知晓。为了强调这方面，成都将让青年加入进来，参与其中，甚至是加入政务会议中去。此外，应该激发青年服务社区的意识，培养这成长的一代与成都的联系。例如，自 1989 年依赖，美国总统都会主持一个叫做生命的意义的项目，每天认可一名普通的投身社区志愿服务的市民。17 成都市可以小范围组织这个活动。世界上的其他城市鼓励青年参与社区艺术、建筑、公园等其他可以提升城市美丽的射击比赛。通过鼓励青年投身成都，成都将不仅在短期，而且在长期内获得有价值的贡献。

11.Points of Light. Web. 1 Dec. 2014. <http://www.pointsoflight.org/dailypointoflight>.

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·Conclusion A cultural and innovation hotspot, Chengdu is perfectly poised to serve as a pioneer in China when it comes to youth empowerment; ultimately, by empowering youth, it will be possible to empower Chengdu. Specific suggestions that have been successful in other countries have been presented in this report to initialize brainstorming in the hopes that someone more familiar with Chengdu will be able to begin the more thorough process of developing and carrying out actual and specific initiatives. The author’s call to action is this: five years from now, the city of Chengdu should be able to hold up what its youth have done the same way its businesses are held up today.

结论作为文化和创新的汇聚点，成都将时刻准备着在鼓舞青年方面成为中国的先锋；最后，通过对青年人赋权，成都将会被赋权。一些在其他国家成功的具体措施在最初的头脑风暴中诞生，呈现在这个报告里。希望更熟悉成都情况的人可以接过这个发展成都的重任，施行具体措施和倡议。作者呼吁：五年后，成都将因今日青年所作的贡献焕发新颜，正如今日经济对成都的改变一般。

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City Creativity Communication

城市创造力与传播研究促进中心