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GENERAL ELECTION THE BRAZILIAN VOTE IN THE UK

. . . R A E Y W E N …AND WHAT’S IN STORE FOR BRAZIL IN 2015

DIVULGATION

CRIOLO IN LONDON

HIDDEN PARADISES

Brazilian rapper talks exclusively to Brasil Observer

Who isn’t dreaming of a holiday in the Brazilian sunshine?

ART FROM PERNAMBUCO

MISSING THE SUMMER

Embassy of Brazil in London presents new exhibition

A tour through Jericoacoara’s beach to forget winter

DIVULGATION

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PEDALING THE EFFORTS AND CHALLENGES OF SAO PAULO AND LONDON IN TRANSFORMING URBAN MOBILITY WITH BICYCLES

T R A E H T F O STATE

TOP BRAZILIAN BUSINESSES VISIT ADVANCED RESEARCH CENTRE IN THE UK WHERE PARTNERSHIP POSSIBILITIES EXIST

BRAZIL’S PUZZLE On the streets, people react to austerity and corruption ELZA FIÚZA/AGÊNCIA BRASIL

BEAUTIFUL GAME A humorous vision for the Brazil vs. Chile friendly in London RAFAEL RIBEIRO/CBF

STAGNANT ECONOMY To reassume growth, Brazil needs increased investments REPRODUCTION

EMICIDA EXCLUSIVE Brazilian rapper hits London and speaks to Brasil Observer DIVULGATION

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April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

Contents LONDON EDITION Is a montlhy publication of ANAGU UK UM LIMITED founded by

Ana Toledo Operational Director ana@brasilobserver.co.uk Guilherme Reis Editorial Director guilherme@brasilobserver.co.uk Roberta Schwambach Financial Director roberta@brasilobserver.co.uk English Editor Shaun Cumming shaun@investwrite.co.uk Layout and Graphic Design Jean Peixe ultrapeixe@gmail.com Contributors Antonio Veiga, Aquiles Reis, Christian Taylor, Daniela Barone Soares, Franko Figueiredo, Gabriela Lobianco, Heloisa Righetto, Márcio Apolinário, Nathália Braga Bannister , Wagner de Alcântara Aragão Printer St Clements press (1988 ) Ltd, Stratford, London mohammed.faqir@stclementspress.com 10.000 copies

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BREXIT

Special reports on the UK withdraw from the European Union

INTERVIEW

Gabriela Lobianco speaks with Caetano Veloso and Teresa Cristina

REPORT

How the recession is making Brazil goes back on time

REPORT

Brazil’s football national teams is on its best again

CULT

Clementina de Jesus, the voice of the afro-Brazilian music

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CULTURAL TIPS

COLUMNISTS

Franko Figueiredo on theatre and life Heloisa Righetto on feminism Daniela Barone on human behaviour

BR TRIP

A trip to Jericoacoara, a Brazilian paradise

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

COVER ART

The cover art for this edition was produced by Mariana San Martin for the Mostra BO project developed by the Brasil Observer in partnership with Pigment and with institutional support from the Embassy of Brazil. Each of the 11 editions of this newspaper in 2017 is featuring art on its cover produced by Brazilian artists selected through open call. In February 2018, all of the pieces will be displayed at the Embassy of Brazil.

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Born in Brazil’s southern state of Rio Grande do Sul, 26 years old, graduated in Visual Arts with a degree in Graphic Design at the Federal University of Pelotas in 2011. I have lived in Rio de Janeiro since 2012, where I work as Art Director in an advertising agency, a position in which the term art is, in general, only figurative. The lack of a poetic side in the day to day led me to create parallel projects that allowed me experimentation and more freedom of expression. Since 2014, then, I have been developing techniques of painting and illustration, testing different materials among ink, oil pastels and dry, acrylic paint and charcoal. The works produced in this period of “meeting” myself – 2014 to 2016 – ended up becoming my first solo exhibition – Em Tanto Avesso –, which happened in October 2016 in Rio Grande do Sul. My production focus is the deconstruction and reconstruction of sensations and perceptions about the human figure, abstract expressions and forms.

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April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

BREXIT

Article 50 N triggered

Now that Theresa May, the British prime minister, has triggered Article 50, the process of formally negotiating Brexit can begin. Here’s what to expect in the next two years. First, the EU-27 will acknowledge the notification. The EU-27 will then focus on adopting “guidelines” for the negotiations. Determining these will be the responsibility of the European Council, so the leaders of the EU-27 member states, the president of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, and the European Council president, Donald Tusk.

here’s what happens now By David Phinnemore g

Preparing the EU 27 for negotiations To adopt the guidelines, the European Council will meet – minus the UK – in extraordinary session on 29 April 2017. The guidelines are expected to set out some basic principles, including the need to accept the free movement of goods, services, capital and people for access to the single market. They will also set out the issues that the EU 27 will insist are covered in the withdrawal agreement. That will include: the UK’s financial liabilities, so money it owes, for example, to cover the pensions of EU officials; the rights of EU citizens currently in the UK; transitional funding arrangements; and

the nature of the new EU-UK frontiers – particularly the land border in Ireland. The guidelines will also confirm who will be negotiating on behalf of the EU-27 – which means they will make formal the role of Michel Barnier as the European Commission’s chief negotiator. They will set out where negotiations will take place (Brussels); and the sequence of negotiations. Once the guidelines have been adopted, attention will shift to the EU-27 in the Council and the adoption of the formal mandate for negotiations. This will provide Barnier and his taskforce with the detailed instructions they need to carry out negotiations with the UK.

Negotiations With the mandate adopted – probably not until late May 2017 – negotiations will be opened. For the UK, these will be led by David Davis, Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union. Day-to-day negotiations are expected to be led by the permanent secretary in the Department for Exiting the European Union (DExEU), Oliver Robbins. The UK government is eager to see the negotiations focus from the outset on the future, post-Brexit UK-EU relationship. It is the EU-27, however, that

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

Reproduction

David Phinnemore is Professor of European Politics, Queen’s University Belfast. This article was originally published at The Conversation (www.theconversation.com) g

will determine the sequencing of the negotiations. The EU’s priority is determining the terms of withdrawal, including any UK financial liabilities. It will only be willing to move on to talks about future UK-EU relations once these terms have been broadly agreed. The new relationship will be the subject of a further set of negotiations which formally cannot begin until the UK has left the EU.

Reaching agreement and securing approval Article 50 envisages two years for agreeing the terms of the UK’s withdrawal. Whether this will be sufficient remains to be seen. Much will depend on whether and to what extent the EU-27 can reach agreement among themselves. Formally, only a qualified majority of member states – 20 member states representing 65% (289.5m) of the population (445.5m) of the EU-27 – is required. In practice, it is expected that the EU-27 will proceed on the basis of consensus. The option does exist to extend the two-year period, although this would require unanimous agreement of the EU-27 and the UK. The negotiations proper cannot, however, last the full two years. Sufficient

time needs to be set aside, once political agreement has been reached on the terms of withdrawal, for the definitive legal text of what has been agreed to be drawn up and finalised. That text will also need to be translated into each of the EU’s other 23 official languages and those versions of the text agreed. There will then be a signing ceremony before the terms of withdrawal are presented to the European parliament for its “consent”, which requires a simple majority of MEPs to vote in favour. The agreement will also be considered by the UK parliament, where both houses will have a vote on whether to adopt it or not. The UK government has committed to holding these votes before the European parliament debates the agreement. Finally, assuming the European parliament votes in favour of the terms agreed by the House of Commons and House of Lords, the EU-27 will, through a qualified majority vote in the European Council, formally “conclude” the terms of withdrawal. The UK will then leave the EU on the date on which the agreement enters into force. That date could be one beyond the initial two years for negotiation set out in Article 50. If no agreement is reached within the two years and there is no agreement to extend the two-year period, the EU treaties will cease to apply to the UK two years after the date the British prime minister issues the notification of intention to withdraw. The UK’s membership of the EU will simply lapse. With notification on March 29 2017 and allowing a month for each of the various post-negotiation stages, agreement will have to be reached on the terms of withdrawal and any transitional arrangements in preparation for the new post-Brexit UK-EU relationship by November 2018 if the whole process is to be wrapped up within the two years provided for in Article 50. Barnier has indicated he wishes to see the negotiations completed by October 2018. Autumn 2018 will therefore be a crucial period in the negotiations.

Beyond the Article 50 negotiations The timeframe is extremely tight and may well prove insufficient. Moreover, the UK government will be involved in other negotiations as well. For starters, it will be looking to begin pre-negotiations on its future relationship with the EU. Simultaneously it will be seeking to establish its own “tariff schedules” with the World Trade Organization so that it can start trade negotiations with third countries and have those deals in place as soon as possible after Brexit. It will also have to negotiate with the devolved administrations in Belfast, Cardiff and Edinburgh about what happens to powers that will be “repatriated” from the EU. Triggering Article 50 sets the clock running for the Brexit negotiations. It is the start of an unprecedentedly challenging period.

Is a Brexit deal really possible in two years? By Richard Whitman g

The phoney war phase of Brexit is brought to an end by the UK government’s decision to formally submit its request to leave the European Union. After a protracted period of speculation, now begins the two-year formal countdown for Britain to depart from the EU. But the question of whether Brexit will be completed in an orderly fashion within that timeframe will be determined between now and the summer. Three key objectives will need to be realised by then. First, the divorce settlement. This is the outline of the exit agreement on what the UK owes the EU in funding commitments and otherwise. Then the two sides will need to agree on the contours of their trade and immigration relationship. The UK wants to leave the EU’s single market and customs union and strike a comprehensive free trade and investment agreement instead. Both sides need to agree on that, as well as how immigration is going to work in the future. There will need to be a deal on the principle of a transition agreement. This is to cover the period of time between the end of the two-year negotiation and any successor agreement coming into force. This is to avoid any disconnection (a cliff-edge Brexit) between the current membership relationship and whatever comes next.

Ticking clock Realistically, a full Brexit agreement cannot be reached by March 2019 but its broad principles will need to be determined before the UK’s EU exit to allow for clarity on what will need to be covered in a transition agreement. Reaching a consensus between the UK and the EU on what should be included in the exit, successor and transition agreements by the summer of 2017 would allow for a substantive period of negotiations (and the ratification of exit and transition agreements) by the end of the two-year period covered under the provisions of Article 50. But this is unlikely to happen either. This is due to the different political and economic forces at work on both sides. The UK government will approach the negotiations from a much more settled political and economic condition than the EU. Prime Minister Theresa May leads a party and government which is now overwhelmingly committed to Brexit.

For the foreseeable future she faces no serious parliamentary, party, public opinion or electoral threat to her commitment to see through on her plans. In contrast, the EU faces a period of uncertainly in political leadership. Elections loom in France, Germany and Ireland. More problematically, substantive disagreements exist between the member states over the future goals of the EU project – and especially whether they should loosen or deepen their integration. A lack of a settled consensus among the member states on the future shape of the EU will significantly affect their ability to agree on what they, as a group, want their relationship with the UK to be in the future. They do agree, however, that the divorce settlement is a priority. They’ve made this clear through very public statements about the UK’s outstanding financial commitments to the EU, even before Article 50 was triggered. The UK, though, looks to be hardening its negotiating stance on the divorce settlement. The continuing absence of a “Brexit shock” to the economy has provided a political morale booster by creating the sense that the UK can weather the economic consequences of EU departure. An extended period of megaphone diplomacy over UK debts to the EU will make the political climate for consensus on both sides for the outlines of the exit, transition and successor agreements impossible. In the absence of agreement by the summer of 2017 on the broad objectives for the two-year Article 50 timetable the negotiations will settle into a condition of “muddling through”. Work will continue on the technical and legal aspects of Brexit but the significant questions about the shape of the future EU-UK relationship will remain undecided after 2019. The UK is due to have a general election in 2020 – and its future relationship with the EU could be a key issue. Richard Whitman is Director of the Global Europe Centre, University of Kent and Senior Visiting Fellow, Chatham House, University of Kent. This article was originally published at The Conversation (www.theconversation.com) g

April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

What immigration policy could look like

Erica Consterdine is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Immigration Politics & Policy, University of Sussex. This article was originally published at The Conversation (www.theconversation.com) g

By Erica Consterdine g

Huge questions hang over what Britain’s exit from the European Union will mean for the country’s immigration policy. Free movement of citizens between the UK and EU countries is coming to an end but there is still little detail about what planned immigration controls will entail. The future immigration system – which the UK government has said will be finalised in a bill before parliament – will depend on the types of trade deals Britain negotiates with the EU, and the rest of the world. Even before negotiations begin, the government faces a number of imperatives and some conflicting objectives on EU immigration. Any reforms will need to be practically enforceable. This raises questions as to whether the Home Office has the resources, systems and manpower to implement proposals – despite a history of mismanagement and the complexity of regulating migration. Reforms will also need to meet labour market demands in low and mid-skilled sectors that have long relied on EU labour. These include retail and hospitality, the NHS and social care, construction, agriculture and horticulture, among others. Unless there is an improvement in pay and work conditions it is hard to see how or why British workers will fill these shortages. Likewise, if it is to continue with its rhetoric of wanting to “attract the brightest and best” to the UK, the government needs to continue to pull in highly skilled EU migrants – and make sure those already in the country stay. With the current political climate and uncertainty already driving some EU nationals to leave, the government will have to work hard to continue to make the UK an attractive destination.

The net migration conundrum At the same time, the government is determined to reduce net migration to the tens of thousands. Yet any trade deal with a country outside the EU, such as Australia, will come with demands to liberalise the visa regimes for citizens of that country – which could push up net migration. And given the complexi-

ties facing British citizens now living in the EU, some may return to the UK after Brexit – also driving up net migration. It’s also likely that the end of free movement could see EU citizens in the UK shifting to other channels such as student or family visas, and spark a surge in irregular migration. All this is unlikely to help achieve any significant reduction in net migration. Speaking on the BBC’s Question Time in late March, the Brexit secretary David Davis confirmed it was unlikely Britain would seek to cap the number of EU migrants coming to Britain after Brexit. So how does the government plan to square these circles, and how desirable and achievable are they? There are four principle ways the government could go about it.

EU preferential system The key question is whether the government will establish an entirely new system for EU nationals that gives them preferential access to the labour market, or whether they will simply be subject to the controls that all other non-EU citizens currently face. A preferential system would be a constructive offer to make to other EU countries as the government seeks to negotiate a positive partnership with the EU after Brexit. But there is a trade off here between a system tailored to meet labour force demands and a simpler model that applies uniform rules. A tailored approach would allow the government to identify jobs shortages and tie its immigration policy into wider policy objectives. But it would introduce extra complexity into the system, making it harder for employers and employees to navigate and for the government to manage. The current system was introduced under Labour in 2008 precisely to simplify a system that had 80-or-so different legal channels. If the government doesn’t give preferential access to EU nationals, one possibility could be to finally allow low-skilled workers from around the world to apply for a visa to Britain. The government has never thought it necessary to open up what’s called the Tier 3 visa within Bri-

tain’s current point-based immigration system, because EU nationals would fill up these lower-skilled jobs. If the government decides to treat EU nationals the same as all other nationals, this policy could change.

Five-year working visa One possibility touted in a report in The Sunday Times in late February is the introduction of five-year working visas for EU nationals that would remove their entitlement to benefits, such as child benefit. Under this system, applications for a five-year visa would be granted on condition of a job in a key occupations in key sector. Speculatively, it seems this would be on a quota basis, all of which would be recommended by the Migration Advisory Committee. This proposal is thin on detail. Job offers are rarely – if ever – given on a five-year basis, raising questions on how this kind of visa could work in practice or how the government can forecast shortages in five years’ time. It’s unclear whether there would be a requirement for salaries to be above or below a certain threshold – which could also complicate matters. Benefits tourism is widely derided as being an overstated problem, with EU nationals making up only 2.2% of total claimants in the UK in 2015. Stripping benefit entitlements is a familiar political sop, and the government knows it would do little to nothing to reduce net migration.

Sector-specific schemes A further option circulating in policy circles is the possibility of introducing sector specific immigration schemes. The UK used to have schemes for different sectors, most notably the seasonal agricultural workers scheme (SAWS), which terminated in December 2013. Long before Brexit was on the cards, representatives from agriculture industries had reported labour shortages because of its closure. Brexit has made this a pressing concern. On the whole, SAWS was on a well -managed scheme. Workers came for

less than a year and so did not technically count in the net migration figures. So the government has little to lose by re-establishing a SAWS scheme, and the insinuation is that the government will do so. But agriculture – a sector with a 50-year history of regulating foreign labour – may be the exception. Other sectors may struggle to manage such schemes.

Regional migration policy Another suggestion – although it seems to have been rejected by the government – would be for the UK to implement a regional immigration policy. The advantage of this would be to recognise regional differences and possibly alleviate any disproportionate impacts of immigration on public services and housing in highly populated areas, in theory dampening public concerns over immigration. While federal states such as Canada can effectively operate a regional immigration policy, how this would work in the UK remains ambiguous. Migrant workers are often pulled to the UK by the dazzle of London and other metropolitan areas. It would be naïve to assume that migrant workers will be just as willing to take a job in less desirable areas. Such a proposal would also mean the government will need to reliably measure shortages by region, set appropriate quotas and monitor when these quotas are met – all which will take a lot of resources in an already stretched civil service. This isn’t to say a regional policy is impossible. London and the devolved states in theory have the democratic structures in place to police it, and Scotland already has a different list of shortage occupations. But if such a dramatic overhaul were to be functional, it really requires a much wider devolution of education and skills systems. Ultimately, as with all Brexit policy matters, the outcome will depend on whether the government considers the economic damage of immigration reform as incidental to what parliamentarians clearly assume is a democratic demand to bring immigration down. If May’s current plans are anything to go by, it seems the economic implications will be secondary.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

What does Europe want? By Uta Staiger g

Theresa May, the British prime minister, has triggered Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. That means negotiations on the UK’s departure from the European Union can begin. But this is not just about what Britain wants – the Brexit deal depends significantly on what the EU is prepared to give. The EU is a complex beast. It’s important to remember that there won’t be one unitary actor on its side of the negotiating table. Key to understanding the EU’s approach to Brexit is that it will not just negotiate with the UK, but also with and among itself. Each member state has its own pressures to face at home and its own priorities and red lines. These will colour the talks ahead. Many have been surprised by how successfully the EU 27 have managed to maintain a united front so far – it was perhaps even surprising to them. It may be that they are holding it together because Brexit is the one issue around which the crisis-ridden union can truly rally. Maintaining the EU’s integrity and stability trumps all other priorities. Angela Merkel, chancellor of Europe’s “reluctant hegemon”, stresses the need to stick together time and again. Even industry representatives likely to be hit by a hard Brexit have thus far toed this line. Britain must not be seen to get a deal that could be viewed as better than membership of the EU. If it is allowed to have its cake and eat it, other countries could be tempted too. But, in reality, the member states are not a unified club. Divisions are likely to emerge, not least as Brexit threatens to affect their relative position within the EU. Poland’s recent run-in with its peers over the re-election of European Council president Donald Tusk showed, as if we needed reminding, that there is ample space for upsets.

Priorities and red lines

Uta Staiger is Executive Director, UCL European Institute, UCL. This article was originally published at The Conversation (www.theconversation.com)

As decision-makers have confirmed in private discussions, Germany is particularly anxious to ensure a “level playing field of rules” post-Brexit. There should be no sectoral trade deals unless the UK agrees to recognise the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice, which monitors the EU’s partnerships. There can be no retaliatory Singapore-on-Thames. Central and Eastern states, particularly the Visegrád countries – the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary – may be more lenient. These are close allies who share the UK’s economically liberal vision and its disdain for Brussels. Cooperation with the UK in security and foreign policy is a priority for them. However, with one wary eye on Russia, they will not want the EU to fragment or weaken. And they are more likely to defend freedom of movement and the rights of their citizens, who after all account for nearly half of all EU citizens resident in Britain. The Nordics and the Baltics will look particularly to foreign policy and security and defence cooperation. But the UK may find that given the ad-hoc nature of the latter, concessions here may not easily translate into long-term commitments in trade policy. Spain, heavily reliant on trade with the UK, is not only home to the greatest number of British citizens in the EU, it also shares a land border with the UK – which could turn Gibraltar into a bargaining chip. The UK’s other land border – with Ireland – is an even greater

pressure point. And France will play hardball no matter what – unless Marine Le Pen wins the upcoming presidential election, in which case all bets are off anyway. In this scenario, the UK might find the idea of bilateral deals tempting. But it should be wary about seeking to divide and rule. Playing member states off against each other would not only cost precious goodwill, it could also cause negativity in one area of negotiation to spill over into another, creating a fatal spiral of disincentives. It would also almost certainly delay a final deal – never a good idea when the clock is ticking. What’s more, the French and German elections are likely to stall talks. The new German government won’t be in place until the end of 2017. Until then, Brexit will only be one of several concerns on the German government’s mind.

The EU fighting for its future Then there is the intricate institutional set up of the EU itself. National leaders will set down the guiding principles of the negotiation mandate, and make sure to exert very close control of the process at every stage. But the European Commmission will lead the talks on behalf of the member states. The European Parliament, while not in the room, gets a veto on the final deal. And the Court of Justice might just be asked to rule on whether a final deal conforms to EU law. Institutions not only shape and constrain political behaviour, they also betray a “profound institutional conservatism”. Yet change is upon them: Brexit is also about the future of the European Union itself. In the midst of an ongoing crisis – with the very principles of future integration up for grabs – institutions will also have one eye on their own role in the union, and jostle for position. While European national leaders will thus ultimately play the central role in the Brexit negotiations, they do so in an environment they may not fully control.

Mind the gap Worryingly, there seems to be an ever-widening gulf between London and Brussels. Both sides tend to misread the position and intentions of the other; at times seemingly wilfully so. British politicians might think that flourishing a rhetorical sleight of hand is just playing to the gallery – it is in British politics. But politics works differently on the continent. Building compromise and coalitions are the name of the game. In turn, some Europeans still struggle to fully recognise the motives that led British voters to opt out of the EU. That lack of understanding incenses many in Britain. Ideas, assumptions and language matter, in domestic as much as in international politics. How meaning is produced, how it is received, disputed, and reconstructed, is simply not peripheral to negotiations: it delimits what is possible right from the outset. And the two sides might just misunderstand each other at a fundamentally important moment. Brexit negotiations will be fiendishly complex – and highly sensitive. That they are successful is crucial to the future of both sides. This will require minding, and bridging, a great many gaps.

April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

Interview

CAETANO VELOSO & TERESA CRISTINA When: 21 de abril, 8pm Where: Barbican Hall Entrance: £65 Info: www.barbican.org.uk

Caetano Veloso and Teresa Cristina’s party in London Duo presents the mashup of the shows ‘Teresa sings Cartola’ and ‘Caetano presents Teresa’, to the root of samba By Gabriela Lobianco

In the song ‘Desde que o samba é samba’ (Since the samba is samba, roughly translated), written by Caetano Veloso, one of Brazil’s greatest composers, it is said that samba is the father of pleasure, samba is the son of pain: the great transforming power. Born of sadness, propagator of joy. Caetano knows how to make a good samba. A stage with him and the samba singer Teresa Cristina, therefore, is a sign rare beauty. In January 2016, the ‘Teresa sings Cartola’ project was launched. The album and tour were the result of an invitation to close a literary project at the Portuguese Reading Office in Rio de Janeiro. “As it would be a half hour presentation, I thought it would be better to make a thematic show about Cartola’s work. The album was a direct consequence of the show’s result”, Teresa tells the Brasil Observer. At the audience of the premiere show, Caetano Veloso, delighted with the result, sent a copy of the show’s

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

Divulgation

DVD to Bob Hurwitz, from Nonesuch Records, who decided to release it worldwide. “Then came the idea of doing a show in New York presenting Teresa,” Caetano recalls. Caetano Veloso says he does not choose projects and partnerships. “I am suggested and, whenever I can, I accept, because I like my colleagues and to work with them.” The collaboration with Teresa Cristina flourished after he invited her to participate in the show ‘Obra em Progresso’. “I heard her first album, with songs written by Paulinho da Viola. I found it correct and respectful. When, years later, she recorded ‘Gema’, a samba I wrote, I invited her to participate in a series of concerts that I did in parallel with the recording of the album ‘Zii and Zie’. In person, she was livelier than the recordings. And I saw that she had a huge knowledge about popular music. She knew all my songs. And the Brazilian and international tradition. We became friends,” he explains.

In the concert to be held in London, Teresa Cristina interprets songs and compositions of Cartola accompanied by the instrumentalist Carlinhos Sete Cordas. “It’s a recital. A voice and a seven string guitar,” she says. Then, Caetano stages the second part of the concert defending classics from his vast gallery of compositions – without repeating the ones he presented with Gilberto Gil the last time he toured Europe. “I searched for some of my songs that were relevant, gave me the pleasure of singing and were either beloved by the audience or interesting to be presented to them,” says the singer. This is the case of ‘Cucurrucucu Paloma’, which was included in the repertoire because recently the former president of the United States, Barack Obama, has listed it on his summer playlist on the Spotify platform. “But also soon after the movie ‘Moonlight’ was released containing part of the recording I made for Almodóvar’s film [‘Hable con Ella’],” he

clarifies. In the end, the duo performs together classics like ‘Odara’, ‘Tigresa’ and ‘Desde que o samba é samba’.

THE POET FROM MANGUEIRA Angenor de Oliveira, better known as Cartola, was a Brazilian singer, composer, poet and violinist from Mangueira, in Rio de Janeiro. His greatest hits, such as ‘O mundo é um moinho’, ‘Preciso me encontrar’ and ‘As rosas não falam’, were reviewed by Teresa Cristina. She explains that the recordings throughout her career were declarations of love to the artists. “The look I have about these recordings goes by the homage to the work itself and the artist. They are songs that are part of my musical history. It is above all a privilege to sing Cartola. It is a very important work of the Brazilian culture”. Caetano is not behind and says he met the artist as soon as he arrived in Rio de Janeiro in the 1960s. “Teresa chose his

sambas to make a show in which, together with the genius guitar by Carlinhos Sete Cordas, she expresses the essence of Rio’s samba. I am happy to be able to contribute to the dissemination of this refined and elegant work on this crucial aspect of Brazilian culture,” he explains. Moreover, even if Cartola is considered one of the greatest samba musicians in history, his time of glory was in old age, after much suffering. Teresa agrees that Cartola’s work and life go against what we call and understand as meritocracy. “The multinational industry did not want to see this treasure, it took help from the journalist Sérgio Porto so that Cartola could be heard again,” she recalls. When asked if she thinks that the Brazilians do not recognize the root samba and its masters as they should, she answers: “the music industry does not value this musical truth.” The Barbican’s audience will certainly appreciate this opportunity.

April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

REPORT

Back to the past If in ten years 29 million Brazilians have left poverty, the economic crisis will reverse the equivalent of a quarter of that By Wagner de Alcântara Aragão

In the last 12 months, this reporter, based in Curitiba, has visited cities like Santos, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Belo Horizonte. In all of them, there was an evident increase in begging. Circling through the central streets is to find men and women, adults, the elderly and children alike, begging for food, to pay the bus, to carry money that helps to support the home. This is not to mention the exponential increase of informal jobs: in bus terminals, in train stations, in corners are vendors of sweets, car washers, among other makeshift offerings. Scenes such as these draw attention because they had become less common in the recent past. Signs of progress were increasing. In commercial establishments, murals of public places there were ads offering jobs. Self-employed professionals could choose who to serve, because the requests were abundant. Young people were able to postpone the first job to focus on studying, since family income allowed even low middle class households to keep their children in school and college without the need for them to contribute their salary to the budget. The current scenario, as opposed to

the improvement in the conditions of life that was following its course, illustrates what indicators begin to point out. Institutions such as the United Nations (UN) and the World Bank, in recent reports, have warned against the impacts that the economic crisis is having on Brazilian families’ subsistence conditions (it is worth mentioning: an economic crisis derived, in part, and aggravated in its entirety by the political crisis that has plagued the country since the 2014 elections). The crisis has already compromised the social development of the country accumulated in the first decade of this century, increasing poverty, misery and the vulnerability of the population historically weaker.

RECESSION The World Bank, for example, published a study in February that warns that the economic crisis could push up to 3.6 million Brazilians below the poverty line in 2017. This figure corresponds to 12.5% of the total number of Brazilians who, between 2003 and 2013, have risen beyond the poverty line. At that time,

according to the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), at least 29 million people in Brazil have come out of poverty. If we add the World Bank’s estimate to the total number of people who, according to UNDP, have returned to poverty conditions since 2014 (4 million Brazilians), we will note the size of the setback. There will be 7.6 million Brazilians returning to miserable conditions in the last three years. That is, the equivalent of more than a quarter of the total number of people who have improved their lives in ten years (2003-2013) will return to misery in just three years (2014-2017). For the World Bank, the projected social setback for this year stems from the prospect that the Brazilian economy will see a 1% shrinkage in the period between the second half of 2016 and the first half of 2017. In a more optimistic perspective, a 0.5% increase of the economy in the same period, the World Bank estimates that 2.5 million Brazilians would still fall below the poverty line. The World Bank study considers below the poverty line people who have a monthly income of less than R$ 140. To

get an idea of the insufficiency of this amount, it is worth noting that it represents a third of the cost of a basic food basket in the Brazilian capitals, an indicator measured by the Department of Economics and Statistics (Dieese), or that corresponds to only 15% of the national minimum wage (R$ 937). For the economist Emmanuel Skoufias, who works at the World Bank in studies related to the issue of poverty, the crisis faced by Brazil is leaving serious consequences to the point of compromising recent achievements in social development. “Brazil is in the midst of a deep recession, beginning at the end of 2015 ... with rising unemployment ... and falling real wages. Given that wages are the main source of income for poor and vulnerable families, this situation jeopardizes Brazil’s progress in reducing poverty and inequality,” the expert warns in an article posted on the World Bank website.

CASH TRANSFER In the evaluation of the economist, in order to curb the social regression, the country needs to increase the budget

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

Reproduction

Unemployment reaches 13.5 million people in Brazil

of Bolsa Família, the cash transfer program implanted by the government of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva in 2003. “Considering the severity and duration of the current economic crisis (...), it will be fundamental to transform Bolsa Família, so that it is no longer just an effective redistribution program and becomes a true safety net, flexible enough to extend their coverage to families who have recently become poor due to the crisis,” Emmanuel Skoufias points out in the article. According to the World Bank expert, the Bolsa Família budget would have to be around 20% higher than in 2015, when the expansion of poverty was accentuated. “In 2017, it would require a budget of R$ 30.41 billion (US$ 9.8 billion) – compared to the budget of R$ 26.4 billion (US$ 8.51 billion) in 2015 – in order to actually allocate scarce financial resources to the people who need it most,” says the economist. He argues, at a time when the central government finds it difficult to curb the growth of the deficit in public accounts, to redefine budget priorities. “Despite the limited fiscal space in the medium term, it is possible to reallocate resources from

poorly targeted and ineffective programs and increase the efficiency of spending by broadening the resources available to the more progressive elements of social policy,” says Skoufias.

HUMAN DEVELOPMENT A consequence of the recent social degradation can be seen in Brazil’s Human Development Index (HDI), which stagnated in 2015, interrupting a process of constant evolution. According to the UN, which measures the HDI, the fall in gross national income was responsible for stagnation. Brazil remained in 79th place in a ranking with 188 countries, with HDI of 0.754. The closer to 1, the higher the human development of a country. The UN recommends deepening income distribution programs and affirmative policies, such as reversing the ongoing social backlash. “We need to ensure the consistency of [social and economic] improvements in order to protect a person who has improved so one does not return to poverty in the event of an economic recession or shock,” said the coordinator of the national report,

Andréa Bolzon, when the new Brazilian HDI was released, on March 21. For her, it is imperative that the economy grows again, but “very carefully, including people and not concentrating the result of this growth,” she warned. “Brazil has to resume economic activity without losing sight of the need to maintain a social protection floor. And if it is necessary to review this floor, do it carefully, for these policies and actions are like a mattress for times of crisis like this. Preventing them because of the need for the country to grow again anyway can result in a very high price to be paid up front,” she said.

ILLUSION Even the resumption of economic activity – which alone is not enough to staunch social retrogression, but would be at least the initial step – does not appear to dawn on the horizon. According to the words of the analysts Emilio Chernavsky (doctor in Economics) and Rafael Dubeux (doctor in International Relations), in an article for the website of the project “Brasil Debate”, the reheating of the economy prophesied by supporters of the impeachment

of President Dilma Rousseff after she was removed from power, was no more than “illusion”. “Since Dilma’s departure, GDP not only has not stopped falling, it has accelerated the rate of decline. At some point in the future some recovery will take place, but the optimistic forecasts before the president’s deposition have proved unfounded,” they point out. Both recall that, shortly after the president’s temporary removal in April last year, and until the definitive deterrent in August, the forecasts of financial market analysts have come to indicate optimism. “The median forecast for GDP growth in 2017 more than quadrupled in the months following the approval of impeachment. However, since the end of October, these forecasts have deteriorated again, reaching levels similar to those observed before the end of the year,” Chemavsky and Dubeux compare. The economic crisis faced by Brazil since 2015, according the World Bank, due to the devaluation of commodities prices since 2011. The Bank also assesses that, from 2004 to 2013, the generation of jobs and the reduction of informality were the factors that contributed most to the reduction of poverty in that period.

April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

How Brazilâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s national team returned to its best Tite, the commander

Neymar, the genius

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

Lucas Figueiredo/CBF

March 29, 2016 was a day that ended anxiously for Brazilian football fans. Having been losing 2-0 at Defensores Del Chaco Stadium in Asunción, Paraguay, Dunga’s men found an equalizer. Daniel Alves’s goal in extra time left Brazil in the sixth place in the South America’s World Cup Qualifiers. A worrisome result, but it would have been even worse if Brazil had lost. It seems distant, but it is not. Exactly one year before it became the first team to qualify for the 2018 World Cup, the Seleção celebrated an unreliable draw that kept it out of the qualifying zone. At that point, the national team had only nine points, won in two home victories against the fragile teams of Venezuela and Peru – and in three other draws, in addition to the defeat facing Chile in Santiago. The supporters were suffocated. Worse than that: a year and a half after the vexing World Cup elimination, Dunga’s football made everyone imagine that it was time for Brazil to stay out of a World Cup for the first time. Eliminated in the Copa América in 2015, in Chile, by Paraguay, the team left for the Centennial Copa América in the US full of uncertainties and absences. The star Neymar had to choose to play either the Copa América or the Rio Olympics, and opted for the later. In the US, more of the same: a draw with Ecuador, a win over Haiti and shameful elimination in the group stage with a defeat to Peru by 1-0. The goal of Ruidiaz put end in the second Dunga era. Days later, Brazil received the news that everyone wanted to hear: Tite was the new coach of the Seleção.

THE RIGHT PERSON IN THE RIGHT TIME

First team qualified for the 2018 World Cup in Russia, Brazil softens memory of that 7-1 humiliation By Antonio Veiga

Adenor Leonardo Bacchi (Tite) was a unanimous appointment. The coach emerged as the Brazil Cup champion of 2001 with Grêmio, but took time to reach excellence. Despite good work in several clubs in Brazil, Tite was viewed with suspicion. His manner of speaking, so highly praised nowadays, was considered a barrier between coach and players. It was only in this decade that his career took off. In 2010, he resumed Corinthians after Mano Menezes went to the Seleção. The results did not arise soon. The Brazilian Championship in the Corinthians centenary escaped by the fingers. And to complete, the elimination still in the pre-Libertadores (South America Champions League) put the career of Tite in check. The president of Corinthians at the time, Andres Sanchez took the pressure from the fans and kept Tite in charge. Decision that would change the history of the club, of Tite and – why not? – of the current Brazilian National Team. What came next is history. Tite and Corinthians snatched the 2011 Brasileirão with a very regular football – which is peculiar to his teams. Then came the unprecedented achievement of the 2012 Libertadores, a tournament that was the fan’s obsession. And it was not any title. He was undefeated, eliminating Santos of Neymar in the semi-final and beating the dreaded Boca Juniors in the final. To close the year with a golden key, Corinthians was crowned world champion, beating Chelsea in Japan. The year of 2012 was definitely the year of confirmation in Tite’s career. He overcame the pressure that was the unprecedented achievement of the Libertadores and won the World Club Cup by using a lot of tactics, and how to prepare his players technically and psychologically. In 2013, however, Corinthians did not have the year they expected. The only title was the Recopa and in December Tite was fired. The coach then decided to take a gap year and prepare to take on the Seleção after the 2014 World Cup. Nine out of ten commentators bet that this would actually happen. Only lacked to agree with the direction of the CBF (Brazilian Football Confederation). After the 7-1, a decision that shocked the country: Dunga returned to the command of the Seleção. And for Tite, there was only frustration left.

Tite returned to Corinthians in 2015 with news on his training methods, with keen speech and total mastery over tactics. The coach made Corinthians a machine. The club walked through the Brasileirão and had the best campaign in the history of the competition. Tite was unanimous among the fans and critics. Ready for any challenge his career might bring. And, finally, it arrived.

TURNING POINT In sixth place in the Qualifiers, Tite took the Seleção with a speech to the ground, aiming at a single objective: to take the team to Russia. The coach, however, did not imagine things would happen so quickly. Before even putting his team on the pitch, he saw Brazil win the Olympic gold medal, a key factor in the recovery of the team’s self-esteem – and the confidence of the fans. The first two games in the Qualifiers were two battles. Ecuador, in Quito, and Colombia, in Manaus. And soon the team showed that everything would be different. Two wins, six points and a jump from sixth to second place. But it was more than that. The synergy of the coach with his commanders was immediate. Recent achievements supported Tite’s work, which made players believe in his speech, especially when things flowed on the field. On the following FIFA date, again six points against Bolivia and Venezuela, and finally the leadership of the Qualifiers. From nine, the team jumped to 21 points. Russia was right there. But it was only in the last games of the year that everything became certain. Brazil ran over Argentina in the Mineirão, the setting of the 7-1 defeat. The world of football was amazed by the Seleção – 3-0 against Messi’s team. The champion was back. In the sequence, Peru was also the victim of a team that played as if it was music. The coach bet on players he trusted from his Corinthians times to command the midfield. Renato Augusto and Paulinho, even in China, brought balance. Phillipe Coutinho finally took over as the starter and the young Gabriel Jesus proved to be the 9 that the fans wanted. All, however, supporting the star of the company: Neymar. They said they lacked a challenge. And it arrived in in Montevideo, against Uruguay. The 4-1 result testified: Tite had returned the beautiful game to Brazil.

BRAZIL VS. PARAGUAY The Brasil Observer was at the Corinthians Arena to follow the match that confirmed the Brazilian presence in Russia in 2018. The values of the tickets made it clear that the Seleção match was no longer a football game, it had become a show. With the cheapest tickets costing 200 reais, the crowd had to watch from home while the São Paulo elite splashed with the show of Neymar and company. The stadium that received the opening of the World Cup saw the Seleção feeling at home. After all, in the technical committee were eight professionals who left Corinthians. Already in the team, Gil, Marquinhos, Paulinho, Renato Augusto and Willian have a history marked by the team from São Paulo, while Fágner debuted with the yellow jersey. All were very much applauded when advertised. They only lost to one person: Tite, the new great national idol. Cheered when the game was 3-0 and walked towards the end, the coach did not hold. He thanked them all, raised his hand to the skies and savoured the unique moment that lived that night in Itaquera. To complete, the news he expected came through Mauro Naves, Globo reporter, during the press conference. Brazil is the first team in the Russia World Cup. Tite vibrated, sent kisses to the family and, with the glitter of his eyes, showed the relief: mission accomplished. Eight wins in eight games. Russia: here we go.

April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

C Clementina de Jesus

and her ancestral voice Biography launched in Brazil records the life of one of the most representative singers of Afro-Brazilian music

Clementina de Jesus was the “best work” of the poet, composer and producer Hermínio Bello de Carvalho. She began her career belatedly, at the age of 63, when Hermínio heard her singing among friends in the Taberna da Glória, in Rio de Janeiro, and was impressed by her rasping voice. Born in 1901 in the city of Valença, in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Clementina had a great influence of the different African rhythms, such as lundus, curimas and jongo, and also of samba as it was done in a suburb of Rio. This mix of rhythms made Clementina de Jesus the singer who best represents African influences in Brazilian popular culture. The story behind the “razor voice” that emerged in the 1960s and became a symbol of Brazil in the reign of bossa nova is the theme of “Quelé, a voz da cor: biografia de Clementina de Jesus”, a book that resulted from the tireless and meticulous work of four young authors: Felipe Castro, Janaína Marquesini, Luana Costa and Raquel Munhoz. It began with the completion of the journalism course of the Methodist University of São Paulo and which, besides the maximum score by the appraisal bank, earned prizes such as one from the university itself and two from the Brazilian Society of Interdisciplinary Studies of Communication. The four students had in common the will to do their final dissertation on popular culture. It was a great partnership. In the middle of the discussion about the theme, Janaina recalled the album “O Canto dos Escravos” (Slave Songs), recorded in 1982 with the voices of Clementina, Tia Doca and Geraldo Filme. She had heard it a few years before and recalled that the album is a very strong rescue of African culture in Brazil. And then, she showed the record to the other three colleagues who were delighted. Clementina’s last album re-read the work songs of black slaves from São João da Chapada, in the Diamantina region, in the early 20th century, and is based on a book by Aires da Mata Machado Filho (“O Negro e o Garimpo em Minas Gerais”). “She is my best work, better than my sambas and poems,” writes Hermínio, producer of most of the impeccable discography recorded by the singer until the 1980s. Clementina asserts her status as “mulúduri” (heir to ancestry) and acts as an authentic “griô” (transmitter of this heritage), taking her ancestral voice to everything she sings. The career of ‘Quelé’, the nickname of childhood of the singer, began on December 7, 1964, with the avant-garde movement “O Menestrel”, signed by Hermínio. The show was a mix between erudite and popular music, in the presentation of Clementina the classical guitarist Turíbio Santos played the second part. Clementina conquered the public and critics alike, including the likes of the demanding Andrade Muricy, president of the Brazilian Academy of Music that classified she as extraordinary.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

Divulgation

The great importance of Clementina for Brazilian music is her relationship with oral story. Clementina knew by heart many of the songs of work, vissungos, lundus, curimas and sambas of the 1920s, 1930s... It was a vast immaterial trunk. This being a black, old, poor woman. Her memory was incredible to the music. And also the fact that, long before she was revealed at age 63, she already had a whole samba story: she had rehearsed composer Heitor dos Prazeres, jumped carnivals with Noel Rosa, participated in the early days of Portela and became involved for decades with Mangueira. She participated in all this when she was still anonymous. That is, Clementina de Jesus was not released at age 63 randomly. Before starting her career, she worked as a maid for more than two decades. She asked for a vacation for the mistress, Mrs. Glorinha, to become a singer, who denied the request and still made fun of the situation. Dona Glorinha did not believe in Clementina’s artistic potential. Such behaviour (still) represents what is done with the opportunities of the poor, black and the periphery. The book brings to the fore the urgency to offer more opportunities, through investments, with a sensitive view of the Brazilian culture, which goes through social and cultural prejudices and exclusions since always. After all, you cannot depend on people like Hermínio Bello de Carvalho to stone and present people like Clementina to the world. Her death, at age 86, poor like most of her people, brings us back to reality. Although she was one of the main influences of women in samba, she is unknown by a large part of the general public. That’s because Clementina de Jesus was put under terrible conditions at the end of her career. Little by little she was relegated to a minor showbiz role, and finished her career by performing at steakhouses. She was valued up to where the public admiration and celebration of that important samba figure lasted. After she no longer served the purposes of the cultural industry, she was discarded immediately and passed many difficulties at the end of her life. Fortunately, her art and memories, like those that are told in her biography, remain. The book keeps alive the “voice of razor” that does not forget the roots of the Brazilian people.

April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

TIPS

LITERATURE

Andrew Downie: Socrates transcended football

What makes Socrates a person who worth a biography? Socrates transcended football. What made him unique was that he was a world class footballer who was even more important off the field than on it. As the captain of the 1982 Brazil team and a man whose back heel was so deadly that Pele said he played better facing the wrong way than most players played facing the right way, Socrates was worth a biography for his footballing skills. But he was so much more than football. I translated Ruy Castro’s 2004 biography of Garrincha into English and then followed that by translating Socrates’ memoir. But the book was never published, largely because of

rights issues. I spoke to Socrates about collaborating on a book but it never happened. I always had the idea in my head and felt he deserved a book celebrating his life and telling his story. But I only got round to it in 2014 after the World Cup.

Divulgation

Socrates was always special. A hugely talented athlete who graduated in medicine yet drank and smoked to excess, he captained the 1982 Brazil team, one of the greatest sides never to win the World Cup. The attacking midfielder stood out. Fans were enthralled by his inch-perfect passes, his coolness in front of goal and his back heel, the trademark move that singled him out as the most unique footballer of his generation. Off the pitch, he was just as original, with a dedication to politics and social causes that no player has ever emulated. His biggest impact came as leader of Corinthians Democracy – a movement that gave everyone from the kitman to the president an equal say in the club. At a time when Brazil was ruled by a military dictatorship, it was truly revolutionary. Passionate and principled, Socrates was as contradictory as he was complex. He was a socialist who voted for a return of Brazil’s monarchy, a fiercely independent individual who was the ultimate team player, and a romantic who married four times and fathered six children. Armed with Socrates unpublished memoir and hours of newly discovered interviews, Andrew Downie has put together the most comprehensive and compelling account of this iconic figure. Based on conversations with family members, close friends and former team-mates, this is a biography of a man who always stood up for what he believed in, whatever the cost. Read the Q&A with the author Andrew Downie about the book:

How was the process to write the book? Have you met Socrates? We never actually met, which may have been an advantage. The main thing was getting the support of his friends and family. Juca Kfouri, who was Socrates friend and confidant for more than 30 years was very supportive, as were many of his friends in Ribeirao Preto. But Brazilians are suspicious at first, they don’t trust anyone they don’t know, and I had to win them over. That took time but once you’re friendly with a Brazilian they are extremely generous and that was definitely the case here. What did you discovered about him? What surprises did you find? What most surprised me was his political transformation. We all think of Socrates as a committed leftist and democrat but he took some time to arrive at that position. As a student he was uninterested in politics and even said he thought that sport and politics should never mix. That was the most interesting part for me, tracing his political awakening that really only began after he’d been in São Paulo for a few years. And of course, he was Socrates, so there are just so many great, entertaining stories. That’s the best part of the book, the stories and his wisdom. Has Socrates left a legacy? How would he see football today? Socrates, I think, would be disappointed at the lack of a legacy left by Corinthians Democracy, which he always said was the most important movement of his life (along with Diretas Ja). One of the reasons we are still speaking about Corinthians Democracy is because it was never repeated by any club anywhere. Playing football is a political act, he said. Players have a stage and they have an audience and it was to his eternal chagrin that almost none of them used that power for some bigger cause.

‘Doctor Socrates’ by Andrew Downie was published by Simon & Schuster. Hardback, £20.00 (www.simonandschuster.co.uk)

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

MUSIC Divulgation

ANTÓNIO ZAMBUJO SINGS CHICO BUARQUE António Zambujo is the biggest star in Portugal’s contemporary music firmament. The rhythmic influence of Brazilian popular music has also played a key role in his work. This sound comes to full fruition in his latest album, a tribute to the songs of Chico Buarque, one of Brazil’s greatest singer-songwriters. The concert will also include favourites from Zambujo’s earlier albums. When: 21 April, 7.30pm Where: Cadogan Hall Entrance: £15 – £35 Info: www.cadoganhall.com

IVAN LINS ELIANE ELIAS A welcome return for multi award-winning pianist and vocalist Eliane Elias. Her distinctive and immediately recognizable musical style blends her Brazilian roots, her sensuous, alluring voice with her impressive instrumental jazz, classical and compositional skills. When: 19 and 21 April, 10.30pm Where: Ronnie Scott’s (47 Frith Street, Soho, W1) Entrance: £35 – £55 Info: www.ronniescotts.co.uk

Renowned as a carioca songwriter, vocalist, and pianist, Ivan Lins recorded several albums as well as writing Brazilian standards. Born in 1945, Lins came to fame in Brazil in 1970 when Elis Regina recorded his song “Madalena” for a hit. His worldwide debut, A Noite, appeared in 1979. Lins’ most famous composition, “Love Dance” (“Lembrança”), has been recorded by dozens of jazz artists. Other noted songs by Lins (“The Island,” “Comecar de Novo,”) have been recorded by artists including Airto Moreira, Herbie Mann, and Terence Blanchard. When: 29 and 30 May Where: Ronnie Scott’s (47 Frith Street, Soho, W1) Entrance: £35 – £50 Info: www.ronniescotts.co.uk

CAETANO VELOSO & TERESA CRISTINA

SEU JORGE

Brazilian superstar Caetano Veloso’s music radiates warmth and passion. His seductive, melodic voice and bossa-nova guitar push Brazilian traditions into exciting new realms, and in this concert he presents rising Brazilian samba star Teresa Cristina, who is launching her new Nonesuch album, Canta Cartola, where she pays homage to the great poet Cartola from Mangueira samba school.

Seu Jorge is one of Brazil’s most talented artists. In a deeply personal tribute, the Brazilian singer/songwriter takes his audience on an emotional journey through his bossaflavoured David Bowie covers.

When: 21 April, 8pm Where: Barbican (Silk Street, London EC2Y 8DS) Entrance: £25 – £65 Info: www.serious.org.uk

When: 30 May Where: Royal Albert Hall Entrance: From £25 Info: www.royalalberthall.com

EXHIBITION ‘The Nada’, Alex Senna debut UK solo exhibition Unit 5 Gallery presents ‘The Nada’, the debut UK solo exhibition from Brazilian artist, Alex Senna. Living in a vibrant, multicultural country full of contradictions, Senna reduced his visual language to black and white silhouette-like characters in order to depict the much needed unity of his countrymen. Focused on the most neglected part of society; the poor, the minorities and the needy, Senna’s work often talks about solitude, love, friendship, passion, conformity and family. ‘The Nada’ is a phonetic play on the Portuguese expression for “you’re welcome” with Nada meaning nothing, in reference to his subjects who are often invisible in the eyes of society. The themes covered within this body of work are the simplest yet most important in life – family, solitude and love. 18 new canvases and sculptures will be on display alongside a series of street interventions. When: 7-21 April Where: Unit 5 Gallery (The Yard, Yorkton Street, London E2 8NH) Entrance: Not disclosed Info: www.unit5gallery.co.uk

Reproduction

April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

Columnists FRANKO FIGUEIREDO

“M Take nothing for granted

Franko Figueiredo is artistic director and associate producer of StoneCrabs Theatre Company g

‘My Country: a work in progress’ is a new verbatim theatre play at the National Theatre produced by Rufus Norris and Carol Ann Duffy. Together, they have edited interviews with people from Scotland, Wales, Ireland and all corners of England to get a picture of Britain on the verge of leaving Europe. Watching it, I started realising how much I took it for granted. I didn’t believe the UK would even consider voting to leave the EU, until I started noticing that the adverts and political party campaigns were treating us as if we were only concerned with ourselves. Egoism was winning the battle of the billboards, and selfishness and hate was newsworthy. I felt myself being caught between my own interests and sacrificing those for the sake of others, the conflict between the individual and the collective. Vote is an act of self-expression, an exercise of your rights, and the fulfilment of a civic duty. The act of voting brings about so much confusion within our individual interests and those of the community. It has the power to mess with our own identities and morals. When it came to voting in the UK’s EU referendum, the social and political discourses in both the UK and abroad had me swinging dramatically between my own narrow self-interests and the appeal to our wider moral duty. Who could ever predict that Cameron’s pledge in January 2013 if the Conservatives were to win the next election, they would seek to renegotiate the UK’s relationship with the EU and give the British people the “simple choice” in a referendum. This brought ethical egoism to the fore. The “choice” was far from simple, but made for simplicity, polarisation and division. I was forced to question my values and re-evaluate my own life goals. Who was I supposed to be siding with? What were the ethics behind it all? Which vote would bring dignity of life, respect for humanity? If we think about it, there’s not a person in the entire world who has only one identity or role in life. I am a stage director, a husband, a brother, a step-father, British through citizenship, Brazilian by birth, a westerner, European, a citizen of the world – but how do these roles merge with one another? And from which role/identity was I going to answer these questions before my vote? Suddenly, life became a very complex political activity. Life is not simple, and neither are our choices, and in voting I should strive to remain sensitive to all my different identities. But, how were those identities/roles formed? Which outside voices were influencing my opinion, my vote? I recently saw ‘3%’, a new Brazilian drama created by Pedro Aguilera, which depicts a dystopian world where three per cent of an impoverished society has the opportunity to ascend to a better life if they survive the selection process.

‘Hunger Games’ meets Theresa May’s meritocracy. Although, it feels more like what Brazil’s future will be if it continues with its current government: a future wherein people are given a chance to go to the “better side” of a world divided between progress and affluence on the offshore and devastation and poverty inland. There is no middle ground here; it is favela versus condominiums. This is not a new premise for a TV series, but it got me hooked. The characters occupy enormous, shabby favelas, neighbourhood nonconformists are outfitted in carnival-like costumes, and an oppressive wall keeping the 97% firmly shut out. It feels decidedly relevant for 2017. So what does this have to do with voting and opinion? The biggest theme in ‘3%’ is merit versus genetics and that people should earn their place instead of being born into it. There is no voting system; you have only one chance to go through the process of becoming part of the 3%, when you turn 18 years old. To deserve a place in this “better world”, characters have to reject their values, re-think their self-interests and are systematically broken down and ultimately forced to choose between what they want and what they need. They are forced into fake situations that push them to extreme choices, including killing their own friends. Possibly, the biggest recipe for inequality. It almost feels like this is what would happen if we were to have Randian’s philosophical concept of objectivism governing our lives. Or is this a pure form of meritocracy? But what is the measuring system? Who makes the rules? Who casts the vote? The people or those in power? The philosopher Socrates, in 399 BC, was sentenced to death on the basis of a democratic vote. In the wake of this, his pupil, Plato, recognized that individual opinion is a dangerous basis for political decision-making, and “advocated rule by a knowledgeable elite instead.” Plato’s undemocratic idea is widely rejected today. Brexiteers themselves rubbished the idea of seeking advice from “experts”. But the reliance on pure individual opinion instead is also very dangerous: if that is all that matters, public opinion, we might end up being governed by emotions and rhetoric. Plato reminds us that democracy can easily become corrupt. Voting, as an act of self-expressing, either individually or collectively, requires active participation and on-going dialogue. The stakes for the characters of ‘3%’ are both political and personal and we are reminded that no choices are “simple”, if we are to stop inequality and violence, in a world where hate prevails, we need to widen our perspective of how the world is, and more importantly, how it could be. Be prepared to fight political and media manipulation, taking nothing for granted.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

HELOISA RIGHETTO

Geography or gender?

Heloisa Righetto is a journalist and writes about feminism (@helorighetto – facebook.com/conexaofeminista) g

“Even in London?”; “I thought this kind of thing only happened in Brazil!”; “I’m sure it’s not as bad as it is in São Paulo”. These were some of the comments I got when I used Snapchat to talk about a personal experience with street harassment, which happened while I was running in a park in London. These comments really bothered me. They show that our understanding of sexism – and misogyny, and patriarchy – are exclusively linked to our culture, our very own experiences. But the oppression of women is not a question of geography. It’s a question of gender. A couple of months ago, in the column I wrote for the issue 45 (February 2017), I wrote about Intersectional Feminism and mentioned that several women find out they are feminists because of their personal experiences. However, it’s urgent that they take the next step and realise sexism is not exclusive to their everyday lives (at work, at home, or even when you try to have fun). Only when we all understand the urgency of collectiveness (and for that we need an extra dose of empathy) we will be able to really see and recognise oppression in its multiple forms. It does happen in different ways depending on the country or region of the world, but geolocation does not cancel

sexism even in the most advanced of all places. Sweden, one of the best countries to be a woman, still has the issue of the gender pay gap. On average, a woman earns 87% of the amount a man makes. This means that from 15:57, every day, women work for free. Gender pay gap sounds like an alien issue for girls born in India, one of the worst places to be a woman. Although it’s illegal, children are still forced to marry (mostly girls) and very little is being done to punish the ones that perpetuate the practice. According to UNICEF, around 18% of girls in India are married before they are 15 years old, and 30% before they are 18. Something is really wrong, as in 2012 only 40 people were prosecuted for committing this crime. Saudi Arabia is also one of the worst countries to be a woman. And just like it happens in India, the very few laws or campaigns for women’s rights do little in the face of “tradition”. Tradition is one of the most used words – crossing all geographical borders – to justify misogyny and gender-based violence. “Tradition” is one of the pillars of patriarchy, helping to perpetuate a culture of segregation and marginalisation. In Saudi Arabia there are laws that

criminalise domestic violence. But what good does it make if the victim can’t leave home without a male guardian? How is she going to the police? Asking the perpetrator to give her a lift? In Latvia (and in many other countries that were part of the Soviet Union), women that look for work in other European countries fall victims of human trafficking. They are tortured and become sex slaves. Traffickers promise jobs in hotels, bars and restaurants, and as soon as they arrive, their passports are confiscated and only then they realise the trap they have fell into. “Agents” go find these women even in remote villages in distant countries like Moldova. The oppression of women is not exclusive to one country. Cultural differences exist and mould this oppression, but after the initial shock we need to act. As the figures related to gender-based violence rise around the world, support networks and charities that help victims are losing financial support and public funding. Right are revoked, laws are ignored, misogynistic traditions are revered. What should generate anger is not the fact that there is harassment in the streets of London. It’s the fact that harassment exists. While one woman is not free, any women are really free.

DANIELA BARONE SOARES

Maximise your personal power

For more information visit www.innerspace.org.uk

Life is though, but so are you. Tap into your personal power to not only overcome obstacles, but to come out of them feeling stronger. Personal power is the combined intensity of three forces – your intellect, will and life-force – to bring strength and vitality to your life, even in very difficult circumstances. I grew up very close to my grandmother. She was a tough lady who had to face poverty and hardship, but who was never hardened by it. She was sweet, gentle and always a friend. I always reached out to her when I felt misunderstood or alone. In a teenage crisis, I once ran away from home – and into her house, 600km away. Later, when she suffered two strokes and had to have her leg amputated, I took the time to be close to her, to spend time together in silence (she was no longer able to speak) and to enjoy the company of the person I knew was still there. It was hard to see her suffer and it was hard to say goodbye to someone so dear. Back

then, I remember asking myself: how can I help? In hindsight, I felt this was the most empowering question I could have asked, as I was choosing to be a force for good in this situation, rather than a victim. In doing so, I was able to support the rest of my family and to experience serenity as I faced my grandmother’s passing. Here are three things I learned:

When others are distressed around you, they say the wrong things in the wrong way. Understanding the bigger picture and tapping into kindness and forgiveness, I was able to intermediate between family members who were not speaking to one another, and to bring them closer. And I was able to stay peaceful and strong, not letting my buttons be pushed.

1) Stand on solid ground: build your reserves

3) Choose not to be a victim – choose to believe in your personal power

I can only give what I have in store. So if I have not built my inner power “reserves”, I may not have it when I need it most. For that, I wake up early in the morning and spend time in Raj Yoga meditation, which enables me to use my thoughts in the most benevolent manner, for the self and others, building strength.

Bad things happen to good people. While life may cause you to be a victim, only you decide whether you are going to become victimised. That erodes your personal power, putting it “somewhere out there” in the hands of a person or a situation. Instead, ask yourself “what is the best I can do in this situation?” and choose to believe you have all that it takes to contribute and come out the other side, with greater personal power.

2) Use kindness and forgiveness to avoid getting your buttons pushed

April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

BR TRIP

just out of reach enough Accessible only by jeep, Jericoacoara is an unspoilt paradise with exhilarating experiences and laid back nightlife By Christian Taylor (@xian_taylor)

Hidden away in the north-eastern Brazilian state of Ceará is Jericoacoara, a kitesurfer’s paradise and a lively, cosmopolitan oasis. Here the streets are paved with sand, the waters are crystal clear and it’s warm all year round. You don’t have to be a kitesurfing enthusiast to find Jericoacoara’s high wind speeds exhilarating - a walk to the top of the dunes at sunset is a fantastic experience for all. From here you can feel the wind whipping past you, and you can see the sands shifting beneath your feet. This naturally-occurring dune is ideally located on the edge of both the village and the sea. Each day, hundreds of people make their way to the top to watch the sun sink into the ocean. It’s a simple ritual that provides for a moment of reflection at the end of each day. Small customs like these help Jericoacoara retain its authentic village feel and sense of community, in spite of its increasing popularity as a holiday destination. Some might say Jericoacoara’s location is both a blessing and a curse. Jeri is a five hour journey from Fortaleza, the final hour being off-road and requiring either a 4x4 or a bumpy journey in a jardineira (open-air bus). Depending on the season and your vehicle of choice it can be a loud, wet, windy trip, but the rugged journey is an exciting one. Suspense builds as you make your way through simple towns and villages, before eventually speeding along the shores of nearby Preá beach with the strong sea breeze behind you and the waves almost lapping at your wheels. It’s Jeri’s relative isolation that has protected it from being completely swallowed up by mass tourism - somehow it feels just out of reach enough. Buggies and quad-bike tours are readily available from the town square, offering to

whisk you away to nearby dunes and lagoons for a day. Jeri’s sandy streets mean you won’t need shoes - a pair of Havaianas will do just fine. If you get an opportunity, try to experience the dunes on horseback - their hooves are surprisingly efficient at negotiating the soft sand, and the absence of engine noise leaves you feeling on top of the world. During the day, Jeri is all about boutique shopping, laid-back bars, restaurants and of course, windsports. At night the town transforms and the streets fill with people. The lack of street lights only add to the enchantment, with the glow from the bars, the moon and the occasional firefly to show you the way. The sound of Samba and sensation of cool breezes drift through the streets as locals sell handcrafted jewellery and clothes, or barbecue street food. Blurring the line between indoors and outdoors is something Brazil does so well, and with ideal weather all year round, Jeri makes the most of the outdoor lifestyle. In many bars and restaurants you’ll be sitting beneath trees or under the stars. Sometimes you’ll find floors made of sand, or a giant tree growing in the centre of the room. One such place is Na Casa Dela, which offers tasty, creative food served in their colourful, candlelit garden. Jeri’s sands don’t stop at the front door at Sabor da Terra, a restaurant serving generous portions of hearty meals. Caravana serves vegetarian meals outdoors and has a quaint Volkswagen Combi Van parked in the garden, which makes for an interesting talking point. Naturalmente is right on the beach and serves crêpes and açaí bowls using surfboards as table-tops. Creativity, charm and attention to detail are watchwords in this town.

Claudia Regina (flickr.com/claudiaregina_cc)

Jericoacoara

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2017

ANUNCIE AQUI

WHERE TO STAY Photos: Supplied by eGroup

VILA KALANGO

(vilakalango.com.br) from R$ 410 (£100) per night, double occupancy with breakfast and wi-fi included. Vila Kalango offers the effortless, rustic charm that Jericoacoara is famous for, but with a touch of class. Unlike a number of its big hotel rivals, Vila Kalango provides a five star experience while retaining its authenticity. The timber bungalows and stilt-houses with thatched roofs are both humble and luxurious, with high ceilings, air-conditioning and personal, handcrafted details. Knotted pieces of timber are given a second life as bathroom shelves, holding fluffy white towels and passionfruit scented soaps, while handmade lamps and cushions add to the cosy atmosphere. Outside, inviting hammocks await in the shade. The complex offers 24 rooms in total, built around lush, tranquil gardens. From the welcoming reception area, wooden decking snakes a path over lush green grass, around coconut and cashew trees, past the massage rooms and comfy day beds, down to the outdoor beach bar and the striking red swimming pool. From here you can lay on a sun lounger or take a swim while enjoying the spectacular views of the sunset dune and Jericoacoara beach. Breakfast is a glorious start to each day: freshly squeezed fruit juices, strong coffee, tasty cakes and bread, as well as eggs and crêpes made to order. The restaurant’s open design allows the strong Jericoacoara breeze to flow through, and its high vantage point gives a great view over the beach as horses, motorbikes and dune buggies pass by, and kite surfers twist and fly through the air.

RANCHO DO PEIXE

(ranchodopeixe.com.br) from R$ 350 (£86) per night, double occupancy with breakfast and wi-fi included. Located on nearby Preá beach, Rancho do Peixe offers a private, tranquil retreat from the hustle and bustle of Jeri. Consisting of 22 bungalows in total, 14 of which directly face the beach, the complex shares its owners with Vila Kalango and a shuttle e bus travels between the two premises numerous times each day. Spending some time at both hotels gives you two totally different experiences and is highly recommended. While Vila Kalango feels intimate and cosy, Rancho do Peixe feels pleasantly desolate. The sea can be seen from just about any part of the property, and sand and palm trees appear to stretch out for miles on either side. Guests can relax in the bar or the pool, on daybeds and in hammocks beneath the trees, or they can wander down to the beach bar. At night, the bar becomes a pizzeria, serving some of the most delicious pizza you’ll ever find, at very reasonable prices. There is no better way to end the day than to relax with a tasty meal as the sounds of the wind and waves wash over you. Afterwards, you can relax in a hammock outside your bungalow and marvel at the spectacular night sky. The bungalows are charming and offer plenty of privacy, as well as premium bedding, high ceilings, handmade decorative touches and a mini bar. These two hotels, in fact, the Jericoacoara and Preá regions in general - offer the perfect balance between luxury and simplicity. It’s this combination that makes a visit to this part of the world so memorable. After you leave, you’ll ache to return.

QUEM PROCURA, ENCONTRA NO BRASIL OBSERVER 074 92 65 31 32

April 2017 | brasilobserver.co.uk

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