Brasil Observer #37 - EN by Brasil Observer

LONDON EDITION

www.brasilobserver.co.uk

ISSN 2055-4826

APRIL/2016

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brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

C O N T E Ú D O

LONDON EDITION

EDITORIAL Take a deep breath: understanding what’s going on in Brazil

OBSERVATIONS Protest against the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff and more

GUEST COLUMNISTS Silvio Caccia Bava on the crisis of power in Brazil Dennis de Oliveira on the crisis and the role of the media Rafael Custódio on the anti-terror law approved in Brazil

INTERVIEW Luiza Negri, the new ambassador of Science without Borders

COPYLEFT Barack Obama, Timochenko and Rolling Stones in Cuba

REPORT Wagner de Alcântara de Aragão on social regress in Brazil Márcio Apolinário on the London mayor election

CONECTANDO Meet the ‘Inspire’ project, by the Quilombo UK organisation

CULT From Fado to Rap: Ana Moura and Criolo in London

columnists Franko Figueiredo on people’s online behaviour Aquiles Reis on Miramari, by André Mehmari and Gabriele Mirabassi

LONDON BY Carla Monsora tries vegan restaurants in London

BR TRIP Shaun Alexander visits the Amazon

Is a montlhy publication of ANAGU UK UM LIMITED funded by

Ana Toledo Operational Director ana@brasilobserver.co.uk Guilherme Reis Editorial Director guilherme@brasilobserver.co.uk Roberta Schwambach Financial Director roberta@brasilobserver.co.uk English Editor Shaun Cumming shaun@investwrite.co.uk Layout and Graphic Design Jean Peixe ultrapeixe@gmail.com Contributors Aquiles Reis Franko Figueiredo Gabriela Lobianco Márcio Apolinário Wagner de Alcântara Aragão Printer St Clements press (1988 ) Ltd, Stratford, London mohammed.faqir@stclementspress.com 10.000 copies Distribution Emblem Group Ltd. To advertise comercial@brasilobserver.co.uk 020 3015 5043 To subscribe contato@brasiloberver.co.uk To suggest an article and contribute editor@brasilobserver.co.uk Online brasilobserver.co.uk issuu.com/brasilobserver facebook.com/brasilobserver twitter.com/brasilobserver Brasil Observer is a monthly publication of the ANAGU UK MARKETING E JORNAIS UN LIMITED (company number: 08621487) and is not responsible for the concepts expressed in signed articles. People who do not appear in this expedient are not authorized to speak on behalf of this publication. The contents published in this newspaper may be reproduced if properly credited to the author and to the Brasil Observer.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Cover Art

Tami Hopf www.hopfstudio.com

Art Director and Illustrator from SĂŁo Paulo, Tami Hopf is now based in the charming town of Vevey, Switzerland. Her journey began in 2008 when she first started Hopf Studio, working mostly with digital illustration. Nowadays she prefers to work with handmade illustrations, and playing with tattoo machines and big art murals. Her drawings are a mix of joy and sorrow, euphoria and loneliness, often addressing the fragility of life, love and the paradox relation between human beings and nature.

The cover art for this edition was produced by Tamy Hopf for the Mostra BO project developed by the Brasil Observer in partnership with Pigment and with institutional support from the Embassy of Brazil in London. Each of the 11 editions of this newspaper in 2016 is featuring art on its cover produced by Brazilian artists selected through open call. In December, all of the pieces with be displayed at the Embassyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Sala Brasil exhibition.

SUPPORT:

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016 E D I T O R I A L

Brazilians are proud people. Proud even of their problems. It’s not rare to see them glorifying the complexity of their country. “Brazil is not for amateurs”, they love to repeat paraphrasing one of their most illustrious countrymen, the maestro Antonio Carlos Jobim. They are always ready to preach the impracticability of their nation, bound to succumb to the tropical sultriness, the easiest way even if wrong, and the embarrassing jeitinho brasileiro. And we don’t accept opinion from gringos, who, we say, know nothing about us and our peculiar misery. To understand what’s going on in our country today and what the next day of our history will bring, a deep breath is necessary in order not to miss the trail; and a huge dose of fearlessness, because it’s a spectacular tragedy. The current crossroad occurs at the junction of an economic crisis with no precedent and a bankrupt political system, designed to perpetuate the secular division between the rulers and the ruled, to satisfy the power owners in all national spheres, public and private. A deep analysis is not necessary to identify the intact structures of the masters and the slaves logic, or gated communities and favelas. More than one hundred years of independence have not been enough to bury more than three hundred years of violent, exploitative and disgraceful slave-driven colonization. Thirty years of a young democracy have not been enough to bury more than twenty years of a dictatorship that served those who today, in the name of morals and good customs call on the impeachment of the elected President Dilma Rousseff, who, by the way, went down to the dungeons of the civil-military regime defending democracy. But let’s get back to current days. The current economic crisis is the result of international factors (fall of Chinese demand, end of commodities boom, decrease in oil prices, etc.) and national mistakes (escalating public debt, fiscal imbalance, lack of investment, tax revenues collapse, etc.). In the boom years, PT (Workers Party) governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff did enough to heat the domestic demand and boost consumption (Bolsa Família program, minimum wage enhancement, facilitation of credit, etc.) and insufficient for the economic growth with reducing inequality to be sustainable in the long term (tax reform, diversification of exports, increase industrial productivity, etc.). We moved forward thanks to specific sectoral policies and favourable external conditions – and not because of major structural changes. It wasn’t an insignificant rise. The world witnessed and applauded the social rise of more than 30 million Brazilians; the almost eradication of poverty; the reduction of extreme poverty; the unique expansion of access to education (elementary to university level); the empowerment of the popular classes. All this combined with a new and independent role of Brazil in the international arena. Lula became “the man” in the eyes of US President Barack Obama; Christ the Redeemer took off on the cover of The Economist. Even liberals surrendered to the social democracy led by PT, in front of a large and strong progressive, left-wing popular base. What went wrong? Once in power PT began to behave like the others. It smeared on the route of corruption on behalf of a power project. It opted for a false reconciliation of classes instead of politicizing its base numbed by superficial advances. It allied to the most reactionary sectors of the nation in exchange of opportunistic support (see the recent “departure” of the PMDB, the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, from the

government). It banished key issues for a new development cycle to ensure electoral victories more and more alienating, based on marketing. It betrayed, after all, those who placed their hopes and votes for the party. It’s almost comical to see pro-government politicians complain about the treatment received by the native media, for example. When they could, the PT governments preferred not to raise the debate about the democratization of the media – essential in any minimally civilized country. Instead they irrigated, year after year, the mainstream media with public money through state enterprises adverts – rather than focusing on narrative plurality, the diversity of voices in the public debate. Make no mistake, however. The PT has always suffered from what we can call a class hate from the national elite – represented by the mainstream media, spokesman of The Masters since forever. It is essential to understand the current situation, taking into account the performance of the hegemonic media in line with the financial elite. And understand the resentment fuelled by a ruling class that has never accepted the rise of the popular classes. It’s a matter of fact. On the other hand, again, it is not the case to understand PT and its governments as mere victims. Lula always praised himself for being the president under whose watch banks and big corporations profited like never before - or as always? It would make sense if the capital gains had been better democratized, fostered productive and not speculative investments. It was not what happened. “National champions” were chosen and played a new kind of Brazilian capitalism that does not respect the environment, much less the basic rules of fair competition, making all sorts of offenses in exchange for money and power. From success to a big pool of mud. Then arrived the operation Lava Jato, to bare promiscuous relations between businessmen and politicians at the highest levels of the Republic and across all parties. And to the crux of the failure of the political system: what chance has the popular desire to prevail in a Congress where 70% of its representatives were elected with money from ten companies? Who these parliamentary answer to, the voter or campaign donor? No wonder that almost half of Brazilian parliamentarians are involved in corruption investigations. That’s why the financial system plays a crucial role in the political crossroad at which the country finds itself. The basic concept of “one person, one vote” is completely distorted in Brazilian democracy. What to do? A considerable part of the population, especially the wealthiest ones (but not only them, fair to say), believes that the solution is the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff – which may happen soon. They believe PT is primarily responsible for the national crisis and should be punished exemplarily, including Lula’s imprisonment. To meet this demand, the vice president Michel Temer (PMDB) articulates with the leaders of the biggest opposition party, the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party), Aecio Neves and Jose Serra. In addition to them, other supporters of this solution is part of the national business community (mainly represented by Federation of Industries of Sao Paulo, which is shamelessly campaigning for Dilma’s impeachment) and the mainstream media, even if they hide themselves in the false curtain of impartiality. This new power bloc has little to do with the anticorruption smoke emanating from the mainstream media and, consequently, from the protests in favour of

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

impeachment. PMDB and PSDB are also involved up up to their necks in scandals that, unlike those perpetrated by PT, receive less attention from the “independent” media. What do they want? Basically to put into practice the project of “modernization” of Brazil, defeated in the last four presidential elections, of liberal-conservative character: welfare reform; relaxation of labour laws; changes in oil exploration rules of the pre-salt layer; autonomy of the Central Bank; fiscal adjustment for producing robust primary surpluses; adaptation to the dictates of the International Monetary Fund; alignment with US foreign policy; distancing of so-called progressive governments in Latin America; free trade agreements like Pacific Alliance; criminalization of social movements, especially those linked to the right to land (MST) and housing (MTST); reducing the State’s role as promoter of economic growth; new rounds of privatization; policy reform in search of something that resembles the district vote; victory in the presidential election in 2018. What does the PT offer in response? Very little. After the victory of Dilma Rousseff in 2014, it was clear that the government had to choose: to deepen the achievements of the progressive camp fighting the conservative forces or succumb to market forces to please those who haven’t placed their vote in PT. They opted for the second exit – something that, it is true, had been done since the first Lula term. By doing this, in adopting the speech that had fought in the election campaign, the President lost her political capital. She weakened in the face of adversaries, who started considering impeachment proceedings every day, as did the masses, tired of waiting on a “left turn”. But there is a basic problem: impeachment is not the solution to bad government. Provided in the 1988 Constitution, the procedure is the result of two variables, political and another essential factor, which is legal. There are a lot of political reasons to take Rousseff out of power. However, there is no clear crime evidence. There is no legal basis for the impeachment based on the so-called “fiscal tricks”, financial procedure widely adopted by state and local governments throughout Brazil, including the former presidents Lula and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. The impeachment based on alleged obstruction of justice committed by Dilma Rousseff second plea bargaining of jailed senator Delcídio Amaral – strengthened by Lula’s indication to the government – has not enough evidence to be irrefutable. Against Rousseff there are no charges for unlawful conduct in office of President of the Republic. The same cannot be said about two central figures of national policy, the presidents of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, Eduardo Cunha and Renan Calheiros, both from the PMDB, most interested party in the impeachment of the president. Aecio Neves, president of the PSDB and presidential candidate in the last election, has been cited at least six times under the Lava Jato. More than half of the committee to judge the impeachment is being investigated by justice. That’s why government supporters and democracy advocates not necessarily aligned with PT have spoken out against what they call a coup. Protests are happening in the streets of Brazil, on social networks and even in London. They fear that an impeachment without legal basis opens a dangerous precedent in a country marked by coups and whose democracy is still in the first half of century. And that the social achievements of the past will be at risk in a PMDB-PSDB government.

Supporters of impeachment reject the coup idea arguing that it is in the Constitution. Yes, that’s obvious. To be legitimate, however, there must be the characterization of crime by the representative of the nation – which is not the case. What legitimacy will a government appointed without the vote of the population and that came to power through political manoeuvrings in collusion with sectors of the media and the business community who were mostly on the side of civil-military dictatorship that condemned once more, after colonization/slavery, the history of the country? What legitimacy will an impeachment proceedings have, opened by someone like Eduardo Cunha, with extensive wrong-doings list? What future will the fight against corruption have, as touted by impeachment supporters, once the PMDB-PSDB take power? The show is tragic. And there are no good guys. Remember: it was the PT that chose to ally with PMDB; that chose to give the vice presidency to Michel Temer; that sought to ally with Eduardo Cunha and Renan Calheiros until the last moment; that shook hands with figures such as Paulo Maluf, José Sarney, Fernando Collor, among many others. It was PT that allied to large construction companies, engendering vested agreements on behalf of a lopsided development, disrespecting the environment and indigenous peoples, for example, essential issues for the left. It was the PT, after all, that felt part of the club of the elite and turned its back to the country’s social project that once it thought to represent in order to stage a power project that now falls wistfully, leaving a vacuum of representation of the popular classes that no one knows yet how to fill. The course of days and hours brings up new facts in such great speed that make predictions, and to take positions becomes extremely difficult. It is certain that what each side of polarization judges as ideal will unlikely happen: Dilma Rousseff will not resign, nor find room to rule if she escapes impeachment. In case of impediment of the President, Brazil will be governed by a rabble without legitimacy. The native media certainly will report a possible impeachment as the redemption of a country from the excesses of a “left-wing” government, decreeing the failure of progressive thinking. And the instant market animation will make the people feel that something is better, when in fact we will be on the face of chaos. The streets certainly will not be silent, increasing the chance of conflicts with the repressive state forces, which will act with its usual truculence when it comes to demonstrations not supported by the mainstream media. In case of government victory, Lula will return to the centre of power de facto, that is, in one way or another, Dilma no longer will govern the country – she no longer governs, by the way. Lula will encourage PT militancy, infuriating those on the other side of the spectrum, also raising the chance of clashes. It is impossible to predict more. There is a remote chance of new elections. Dilma-Temer can still be revoked by the Superior Electoral Court, but it will not happen so quickly. Fearlessness is necessary to understand what is happening in Brazil today. Impeachment is not a solution. Yelling “there will not be coup” is not enough. In the next day of our history, what country will we have? Crises bring in the fog, windows of opportunity. We can move towards a social democracy, fairer and more inclusive, or return towards the oligarchies, the owner of always. This story, with or without Dilma, is far from returning to normal.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Observations Ana Toledo

Explaining to the British why people protest against the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff By Guilherme Reis

Seated on a Boris bike, in the square in front of the Embassy of Brazil in London, I was observing the demonstration of Brazilians against the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, at that time animated by the cadenced guitar of Gui Tavares, who was playing the accords of “Construção”, by Chico Buarque, when a British passer-by surprised me: - What is this protest about? - It’s against the impeachment of the Brazilian president. - Are you supporting a clearly corrupt government? Seriously? – He asked me with a slightly elevate tone, but still in a polite manner, which made me stand disposed for a talk between two different opinions. - Not everyone here supports the government. There are a lot of critics. People here are against the impeachment, in favour of democracy. - And do you think the designation of Lula for a position in the government was democratic? I don’t think so, it was authoritarian. - I agree. I also found it wrong. But democracy is a process. Our democracy is very young. To interrupt this process with an impeachment without clear proof of crime against the president seems dangerous. - But this government is corrupt and very bad for the economy. The dollar soared. The public accounts are out of place, the deficit is too big. - The government is terrible, but impeachment is not solution for bad government. We have regular elections. The decision is on the polls. - Yes… Fernando Henrique Cardoso was a great president; he did very important things for the country. The economy now is very bad. - That’s true. He did good things. Lula changed the country as well. - But Lula did it because Cardo-

so arranged everything before. He just followed what had been done and the country benefited from that. - Yes. And he implemented new policies as well, a more efficient social security net, a more independent and assertive foreign policy… - The poorer, right? I think the Northern and North-eastern states have a disproportionate weight. They receive a lot more at the end. - What do you mean by that? - I love Brazil. I’ve been doing business there for 20 years. - Interesting. It’s not easy to do business in Brazil, that’s a fact. - Have you seen the market reactions? They are excited about the possibility of change of government in Brazil. They want change. - Yes. The market is always supporting the right. It’s not new. - That’s true (laughs). I have to go. Thanks for the debate. - Thanks for your time. People need more dialogue like this in Brazil. - Good evening. - Good evening. * The demonstration against the impeachment of Brazil’s President Dilma Rousseff took place on Thursday 31 March. Organized through social media, it was attended by about 150 people. Beyond London, demonstrations occurred in other European capitals and cities such as Berlin, Paris, Lisbon, Coimbra and Barcelona, in addition to over 60 cities in Brazil. In March last year, that time in support of the demonstrations in favour of the impeachment in Brazil, Brazilians also gathered outside the embassy in London. In both cases, everything happened peacefully.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

The view of Ambassador Alex Ellis on the crisis At an event organized by the Brazil Institute at King’s College London in early March, the UK Ambassador to Brazil, Alex Ellis, offered his interpretation of the political and economic climate of the country. In a relaxed tone and sharp English humour, Ellis began by saying that the 2014 election is not over. “The feeling is that the electoral dispute is still going on,” he said. For him, President Dilma Rousseff assured her re-election promising the opposite of what she has been trying to do: fiscal adjustment with reduce social spending, etc. On the economic situation, Ellis showed concern with the possibility of the country shrinking by 7% the value of GDP in 2015 and 2016 together. According to him, this is not a crisis in the shape of “V”, that is of rapid recovery. The ambassador drew attention to the incre-

ase in public debt, and regretted that the service of it is too high, especially with a basic interest rate (Selic) as high as the current one. He also considered the difficulties of carrying out budget spending cuts, subject to changes in the federal Constitution. The biggest problem, said Ellis, is political: Dilma is more concerned with saving herself from the impeachment process than solving the economic crisis. Nevertheless, the ambassador was optimistic to say that Brazil is inevitably going to grow simply by its demographics, as it is increasing the ratio of workforce by total population. Another factor mentioned was Brazilian assets, especially the oil from the pre-salt layer. Ellis also said he thinks it’s most likely Dilma will remain in office. And the protests in favour of impeachment have been good to block the government, and

not to build something new. Democracy, followed the ambassador, is very expensive in Brazil. It is necessary to reduce the cost of elections. Still on the protests, Ellis argued that, since 2013, demonstrations have created problems for politicians, increasingly discredited. For him, no party has benefited. Who really takes advantage are the prosecutors, the new national heroes. According to the ambassador, there are many other “Lava Jato” operations waiting to happen in the country: when companies controlled partially by the state act for profit, with directors appointed politically, the end result is corruption. What comes next? There is no clear leader to take the country, said Ellis. About the Rio 2016 Olympic Games, Ellis said only that it will not be for Brazil what London 2012 was to the UK. Does anyone doubt it?

What the British media says about Brazil The Economist - In an editorial published in the edition of 26 March, under the title “Time to go” and with a cover headline, the magazine defended the resignation of President Dilma Rousseff. “Rousseff ’s hiring of Lula looks like a crass attempt to thwart the course of justice. Even if that was not her intention, it would be its effect. She has thus rendered herself unfit to remain president”, the editorial says. The Economist continues “to believe that, in the absence of proof of criminality, Ms Rousseff ’s impeachment is unwarranted”. But note that there are three ways to remove the President: 1) show that Dilma obstructed the investigation of the Lava Jato; 2) decision of the Superior Electoral Court that would result in new elections; and 3) resignation.

The Guardian - For the British newspaper, “each passing day seems to bring Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, arguably Brazil’s most formidable political figure, closer and closer to the status of a fallen icon.” The editorial “The Guardian view on Brazil’s scandal: no more heroes any more” was published in 17 March. The Guardian also noted that the operation Lava Jato has implicated politicians of all parties. And the emerging country that enchanted the world, instead of celebrating the arrival of the Rio 2016 Games, is on the verge of collapse, with a government that barely stands; an economy in recession; a politicized judiciary; and constant street demonstrations. The Observer, in an editorial of 20 March 20 (“The Observer view on Brazil”), argues that if Dilma cannot restore calm, she should call new elections (ex-

clusive function of Congress, however) or resign. The newspaper points out that the so-called left-wing governments in Latin America are in decline not by ideological issues, but because of the incompetence and reiterated illegality of their governments. Financial Times - International edition of the newspaper stamped on its cover of 18 March, “Brazil in crisis: Block of Lula stokes street clashes and political turmoil.” For the Financial Times, Brazil teeters on the brink of an institutional crisis after the justice blocked Lula’s nomination for the cabinet of president Dilma. In another report, the newspaper says that recent political events are amazing even for Brazilian political standards, which would be more likely to unexpected developments than the rest of the world.

‘Brazilian women around the world’ meet in London Beth Vieira-Kross Ana Toledo

Representing different countries, about 30 women who are part of the Brasileiras pelo Mundo network (Brazilian women around the world) – among columnists and readers – were in London at the beginning of March to the second edition of the group meeting. The blog is in the air since June 2012 and has more than 90 columnists, spread over countries like China, Russia, Iceland, Spain, Denmark, Cambodia, New York and Chile, among others. Created by Ann Moeller, BPM emerged from the idea of incorpora ting in one place experiences of Brazilian women in the same situation: living outside Brazil, with careers, families, successful business, and crea-

ting roots in different parts of the globe. The challenges and achievements of life abroad are reported through experiences of columnists. “The intention is to inform and inspire the Brazilian women who are still in Brazil thinking or planning to leave the country and are looking for information. And also inform those already living abroad about the life and experiences of other women around the world,” said Ann. He added another goal of BPM, which is “change the stereotype of Brazilian women abroad, often associated with prostitution.” In order to celebrate the blog’s growth, the meeting expands the networking among participants, ena-

bling the contact between Brazilian women working in different areas in different parts of the world. The program was diverse, included a lecture on challenges and achievements by Christine Maroth, from the blog China da Minha Vida (China of My Life); also included tips for health and how to prevent premature aging by nutritionist Rose Chamberlain; Vitoria Nabas lawyer spoke about women in business outside Brazil; the founder of Project Kids Brasil Charity, Adriana Bell, presented the work of the NGO; and the closure included the presentation of the artist Marcia Mar. Besides all this, the Brazilian Beth Vieira -Kress made a photo exhibition.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Guest

I The crisis of power in Brazil By Silvio Caccia Bava

In 2011, the Brazilian government adopted countercyclical measures to tackle the global economic slowdown. Its goal was to strengthen the internal market and ensure the value of wages and full employment. The commodity boom was over, as well as the win-win game in which no sector was punished for the benefit of others. The government strongly reduced the return rate of public debt bonds, the Selic interest rate; imposed through public banks a reduction in interest to the consumer; frozen administered prices, expanded credit, boosted public investment etc. In addition to the defence of income and employment for the majority, on the whole, these initiatives expressed a developmentalist national policy, with a leading role for the State and especially the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) in the strengthening of some strategic productive chains, such as oil and gas, petrochemical, shipbuilding. A policy that is contrary to the interests of the financial system and international capital. For the first time, the control of economic policy did not coincide with the interests of the financial system and large corporations. Countercyclical measures have reduced the earnings of the private financial sector and large corporations, strengthened the State and put an insecurity factor for these entrepreneurs. They realized they had no control over economic policies, and this was unacceptable. In response to these measures, the financial elites have managed gain the support of all big business that from the end of 2012, united, began to stand against the Dilma Rousseff â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s government, to support the neoliberal opposition and destabilize the new government even after its election victory in 2014. With a new Congress in which 70% of parliamentarians were financed by ten large business groups, a parliamentary initiative to try to promote the impeachment of president was underway. Liberals, after the â&#x20AC;&#x153;developmentalist testâ&#x20AC;? of 2011, want to regain control of economic policy and submit the State to private interests. In contrast to these interests there are mobilizations and popular campaigns for political reform, for example, to build a State increasingly public and oriented to serve the interests of all. These terms already express the nature of the dispute for the institutional order. The crucial factor was the organization and politicization of important oppressed social sectors, which refused to be submissive to the political system. In Brazil, the richness and diversity of civil society organizations made a difference, mobilizing broad sectors and channelling their political strength for the construction and election of PT (Workers Party). The fact is that the right-wing parties failed to provide, in Brazil, a country

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

project to dispute the preference of the voters in 2014. The neoliberals lost the presidential election for the fourth time in a row. They focused their campaign in the production of economic terrorism and the need to avoid a catastrophe. And they attacked the government and the PT accusing them of incompetency and corruption. Unable to win the vote, the elites in Brazil set off for heavy game, attacking democracy with a coup attempt, buying Congress, mobilizing the media to a huge campaign, starting an open war against the government and the PT. The Brazilian elite made use of economic terrorism, catastrophic projections for the Brazilian economy, distorting a reality in which the macroeconomic indicators did not suggest the need for an adjustment. Now the crisis is real, unemployment hits 10%, the economic forecasts terrible. The opposition willing to overthrow the government presents as a solution the same austerity policy the IMF, the European Commission and the European Central Bank have imposed on Greece, where the adjustment led to a regression of 30 years on social rights. The success of media mobilization in the war against the government was a demonstration of the immense power of these media companies. In the communication war, the central issue is the choice of the agenda and featured topics, the range of allowed opinions, the unquestioned assumptions that guide the production of information and comments, the worldview that structure these arguments Renowned Brazilian neoliberal economists publicly state that it is necessary to promote recession and unemployment to lower the cost of labour. It is a declaration of war on workers. With Congress controlled by big business and the demonization of the political system, parties included, Brazilian democracy is in danger. Much of the population does not feel represented, and so it opens space for the emergence of a new conservative wave and new authoritarian practices in society, as seeking to make justice with their own hands and criminalize the poor for the violence in society. The right versions monopolize the conservative media, taking much of the population to blame the government for a crisis that, in fact, was engendered by economic power. Their experts work with public opinion to create the necessary illusions: emotionally powerful simplifications that attach to the government and the PT corruption, “misrule”, risks of unemployment, inflation, and loss of purchasing power. “The media no longer covers events. It generates versions and tries to turn them into truth”, warned the sociologist Laymert Garcia dos Santos.

‘DILMA OUT’ CAMPAIGN Allegations of corruption, all selective because they ignore the opposition parties, serve to mobilize the population against the government and manipula-

te public opinion, especially the middle classes who do not understand why the good times are over. The political crisis is radicalized; personal offenses show the intransigence of these middle classes and their revolt with the economic crisis; an unpredictable field is open. In this scenario, new right-wing NGOs and parties that traditionally defend the elites seek to mobilize public opinion in demonstrations against the government and the PT. And the workers now join the opposition, but for other reasons; they are unhappy with rising unemployment and the government, which reduces the income transfer policies. Without the mobilization of society, opponents estimate that “there is no climate” to promote the impeachment of the president. With increased support from the streets, as in the demonstrations of 13 March that gathered 3.6 million people, they keep the process of articulating the bloodless coup, that is, the condemnation of the government and the PT for torts that actually do not exist. Large sections of the Congress, the judiciary, the Federal Police, traditionally linked to the interests of elites, promote an offensive to overthrow the government, criminalize PT (only PT) and prevent Lula’s presidential candidacy in 2018. The neoliberal forces formed a committee of the parties that are against PT and the government and plan, in coordination, to call demonstrations in various capitals. As a reaction to the initiative to promote broad mobilization in favour of impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, the democratic and popular forces also mobilize and convoke marches and demonstrations in support of the government, democracy and against the coup. Millions of people have gone to the streets in favour and against the impediment of the president. In the short term, the scenario is confrontation, not negotiation. Brazilian elites, with their international partners, are joining the conservative tide that befalls the continent and throws their weight in the pursuit of destabilizing the government and the fall of the president. In Congress, the opposition benches catch all government initiatives and put the “bomb agenda” (to increase public spending) in the strategy of the worse, the better. It is this confrontation that creates the impasse of the present situation, which exacerbates the economic crisis and its adverse effects on the population. How it will unfold we do not know, but what will happen in the streets, in the coming weeks, may indicate where the winds blow. Remember that there is a large majority which is currently silent, but can also go to the streets, as in June 2013. g

Silvio Caccia Bava is a sociologist, director and editor-in-chief of Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil newspaper

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brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

The crisis and the media By Dennis de Oliveira

Dennis de Oliveira is an associate professor at the University of São Paulo, coordinator of the Centre of Latin American Studies on Culture and Communication and member of the Latin American network QUILOMBAÇÃO

The environment Brazil is currently facing is product of the end of a class conciliation model that was carried out by the PT (Workers Party) government since 2003. This model presupposes social inclusion based on economic development, secured with a major role of the State, and from this inclusion to constitute a consumer internal mass market that would leverage sovereign and autonomous economic growth. During Lula’s administration (2003/2010), this model had two favourable factors: the exhaustion of the neoliberal model imposed by President Fernando Henrique Cardoso in the years 1994-2002, which lost its sustainability with the shortage of international capital; and a favourable scenario for the opening of new international markets, particularly for Brazilian commodities. Thus, taking advantage of this favourable situation, the Lula government, in its first phase, has chosen to control the moods of the market by applying a contractionary economic policy (high interest rates, fiscal surpluses, among others) and, at the same time unveiling new frontiers for expansion of international markets. The former president travelled to the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America, played a proactive role in international geopolitics and, therefore, opened new fields for investment by Brazilian companies and also transnationals installed in the country. With this, he managed to accumulate foreign currency necessary to sustain social inclusion programs, as well as real increases in the minimum wage, expansion of public universities, among others. This contributed to the formation of a new working class in the country. Integrated by consumption, these new workers give basis to what the Brazilian political scientist André Singer calls “Lulism”, distinct from classic social sectors that make up PT’s support base (workers of the most dynamic sectors of the economy and with trade union tradition). The integration of these workers to society by means of access to consumption at the same time extended the PT’s support base and also generated weaknesses and instabilities in it, since their commitment is directly linked to the maintenance and/or expansion of consumption power. Given this, the Dilma Rousseff government that started in 2011 had as its central task to expand and sustain the development of the economy. The new president had and openly voluntarist stance and, along with the Minister of Finance, Guido Mantega,

sponsored a series of conflicts with powerful sectors of Brazilian capitalism. The new PT government expanded the credit and reduced interest rates, opened international markets for Brazilian contractors, gave incentives through public financing lines and tax reductions to certain sectors of industry (in particular the construction and automotive). All of these actions conflicted with the speculative capital, with industrial sectors that were not included in the benefits, with powerful service companies privatized in the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (particularly of electricity). Dilma also opted to finance the merger of large domestic companies with the objective to boost competition in the international market.

MEDIA AND POWER A large part of the communications industry supported enthusiastically the neoliberal project of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Both for ideological and commercial reasons, as several of these media companies participated directly or indirectly in the privatizations. That’s the case of Rede Globo (the biggest TV network in Brazil), which participated in consortia that disputed the purchase of state-owned companies in Rio de Janeiro, and the company S/A O Estado de S. Paulo, which publishes the traditional “Estadão” newspaper, which was a partner of BCP company acquired later by the operator Claro. Editora Abril, in financial crisis, opted in recent years to be a company that produces educational material, acquiring publishers that monopolized the production of school books. The changes in the educational system and in particular the purchase of school books policy by the government reached the company. The federal government decided to decentralize the purchase, making possible the participation of small publishers and prohibited publishers do direct marketing in teacher halls of schools. This is why the columnists of Veja magazine, from Editora Abril, began to campaign against the “politicization of education”, the “school ideologization”, among others. Another area of economic pressure stems from the main advertisers of mainstream media: banks. Policies that displease the financial market are often bombarded by columnists who have space in these media. Almost all of these columnists and economic analysts have direct or indirect links with financial capital.

Besides the economic aspects, the ideological alignment of the Brazilian mainstream media is historically against national capitalism projects. For a quite long time now a conservative think tank called Instituto Millenium has operated in Brazil, which has the participation of several leaders of the media industry as well as columnists. The global economic crisis hit Brazil and the PT government found it difficult to maintain its growth project. With this, the volatile base support built in recent years breaks, since it only remains to the extent that its consumption situation remains. The traditional base of the PT also weakens the extent that certain actions taken by the government contradict historical flags of these sectors such as, for example, support to agribusiness at the expense of agrarian reform and family farming. And finally, the scope for opening new frontiers for the national capital expansion also reduces with the international crisis. And commodity prices fall. This objective situation of the economy and the PT project enabled a breakthrough of conservative sectors, the media leading, which uses selectively and opportunistically the anticorruption discourse to gain support and advocate the overthrow of the elected president in 2014. Why selective? Because corruption allegations hit both the situation of the opposition, but it is clear that the space given by media to allegations of corruption against pro-government politicians is much higher. Allegations of corruption, even more serious, against opposition politicians are sometimes not reported. Why opportunistic? Because behind this crisis the real purpose of the impeachment is hidden. It’s not to “moralise” the country, but to apply a political-economic project that is centred in interests of speculative capital, barring the social inclusion policies and imposing recessionary measures, as it was prescribed for countries in crisis (like Greece). Being unpopular, the opposition discourse reverberated by the media is that the problems the country faces is because “politicians steal the money the worker pays in taxes.” However, it is not proposed to make a tax reform that does away with the regressive nature of the tax in Brazil (which charges more to those who get up to three minimum wages), political reform banning private financing of campaigns (one of the main sources of corruption) and, much less, a reform of the communication system that ends monopolies that imposes a unique voice in civil society.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

The errors of the anti-terror law By Rafael Custódio

Rafael Custódio is a lawyer and coordinates the Justice program of Conectas Human Rights g

Eight months. This was the time the Brazilian Congress needed to decide one of the most complex issues of the international legal debate: how to describe the crime of terrorism. The result is one of the toughest criminal texts of the recent history of the country, surpassing even standards created during the civil-military dictatorship. There aren’t enough adjectives to describe it. In addition to absolutely harmless to ensure the security of the country, the new law, if sanctioned by President Dilma Rousseff (which had not yet been made by the time of writing), is vague, indeterminate, disproportionate, unnecessary, redundant and unconstitutional – and poses a serious threat to democracy and freedom of expression, association and assembly. It is not a finding without fundaments. On 9 March, a heterogeneous group of 15 human rights organizations and social movements, including Conectas, the MST (Movement of Landless Workers), the Article 19, the Conic (National Council of Christian Churches of Brazil) and the Association Judges for Democracy, published an analysis showing the serious technical problems and illegalities of the piece approved by Congress. There are many. The first concerns the description of the acts that would shape terrorism. In all, 17 verbs or phrasal verbs are used. Together, they result in an endless number of behaviours, several of which are already provided in the Penal Code. It draws particular attention to acts that refer to terrorism against things that do not involve harm or damage to life, but still can be punished with 12 to 30 years in prison. To give just one example, one of Article 2 paragraphs states that are terrorist acts “use or threaten to use, carry, keep, possess or bring explosives, toxic gases, poisons, biological, chemical, nuclear content or other means capable of causing damage or promote mass destruction.” But there are countless objects or products that, in theory, could fall into “other means capable of causing damage.” The text is absolute and dangerously uncertain. Another problematic verb is used in the same article to describe acts against life and integrity of others – the verb attempt. First, it does not identify the main action that would constitute an intentional

crime against life. Second, because it assimilates attempt and consummated action violating the principle of proportionality of penalties according to the gravity of the act. It gets even worse. In Article 4, the law provides for terrorism apologia of crime – conduct already in the Penal Code and in the notorious National Security Law, created during the dictatorship. The redundancy is, however, less of a problem. If the manifestation of a person is enough to encourage the commission of a crime, it certainly will be liable as part of it. Another fact is important to mention, still regarding the crime of apologia: the disproportionality of penalties which would blush to the torturers of the dictatorship. In the new law, they can reach 13 years and four months – three times higher than those set out in the National Security Law. If this article is sanctioned, posting content on Facebook will yield more years in prison than manslaughter. Another crime created by the anti-terrorism law is the preparatory acts. In all, 30 verbs describe actions that could be classified as preparatory to terrorism crime. Judges responsibility to judge cases involving these actions should be able to apply the futurology technique to reach their sentences. As seen from these few examples, there is no possible salvation for the text approved by Congress. Throughout the processing of the bill, the federal government, the author of the original proposal, clung to the inclusion of a safeguard that would supposedly protect organizations and social movements. It’s pure fiction. First, activists and human rights defenders have to go all the criminal case to be (eventually) acquitted by the judge based on that article – which has an obvious deterrent effect on the right to demonstrate. Second, because this alleged exception clause does not cover the apologia of crimes and preparatory acts. Dilma Rousseff will commit a historical error of incalculable impact on democracy sanctioning the project proposed by her government and approved by Congress. Terrorist attacks are indeed a global reality, but, contrary to what we have been led to believe, it will not be prevented with the simple tightening of laws, to the expense of fundamental rights.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Interview Divulgation

From scholar to ambassador Luiza Negri talks to Brasil Observer about her trajectory, from scholar of the Brazilian Science without Borders program to winner of SwB Ambassador 2016 competition By Ana Toledo Luiza during the final of SwB UK Ambassador contest

The Brazilian Science without Borders (SwB) program has a new ambassador to the UK: Luiza Negri, 25 years old, from Ouro Fino, Minas Gerais. Graduated in Architecture from the Federal University of Ouro Preto (UFOP), she spent 2012 studying at the University of East London (UEL), where she began her journey to become SwB ambassador. But what’s that? Since its creation by President Dilma Rousseff government, in 2012, SwB has been a considerable important factor in the connection between Brazil and the United Kingdom – more than 10,000 Brazilian undergraduate and postgraduate students have been in the country thanks to the program. So considerable that today, four years after the emergence of SwB, the British Embassy in Brazil has fostered a network of former students, called Science without Borders UK Alumni. The goal is to share stories and impacts of partnerships established between Brazilian students and British educational institutions, including an annual election of a SwB UK Ambassador. For the 2016 programme, there were more than 70 people registered in the first phase. For the second stage there were ten. Only four went for the final, held at a gala evening at the Brazilian British Centre in São Paulo. At the time, each finalist made a four-minute speech to the audience and jury. “I really believe that if we want to change our country and even the world for the better, we must start with education. Of course, it takes time to educate a whole new generation and expect the results to be visible, but we do not

need to start from scratch. We can begin now to work with our own generation,” said the architect Luiza Negri in her victorious speech. In an interview with the Brasil Observer, Luiza explained that “the [SWB UK Ambassador] program works showing what gains SwB brought for the students.” The network, in fact, was born before the freezing of SwB by the Brazilian government, so it was not created as a way to pressure for the program to be reactivated. “I see this opportunity as a way to promote the benefits and perhaps also help to make the program back,” said the new ambassador. Luiza told the experience with the SwB was a determining factor in her career. “It changed the course of my life completely, I wanted to give up [architecture before joining the program],” she admitted. The beginning was not easy, because in addition to be reconsidering her course, Luiza still had to adapt to the way of teaching in the chosen institution. In plain English, putting hands on. “I did not have the same skills as my colleagues, because we learn different. In Brazil, education is more technical, in London they are focused on a more visual representation,” she compared. When she realized her difficulty, Luiza appealed to her supervisors. “I tried two teachers who gave me full support and then I finished the year among the best in my class. The first lesson was: master the technique you have to develop and do it.” That’s what Luiza did. But the experience did not end there. When the

compulsory internship arrived, she received all open positions in the university and as a consequence, another great learning: do not be limited to your study area. “The English people have a lot of openness to exchange experiences. An architecture student doing internship in public health was an experience that perhaps I wouldn’t have in Brazil. It certainly added to my resume and my personal life.” After the mandatory internship, Luiza returned to Brazil. “It was sad; I did not want to come back.” However, with the certainty that she had developed a good year, she faced the return with fresh eyes. “I went back to college and the old scheme brought some frustration. I was trying to find solutions. Within the college, for example, we had no model practising. At the first opportunity I had I made one and a few teachers noticed. But another teacher saw it and asked me to do model workshops for the urbanism class, so I started working with her. Also, after much complaint, I became part of the college to discuss improvements to the course. Even my dissatisfaction was cool because it brought positive results.” For Luiza, “studying abroad is something that everyone does; the question is what was different for you.” This was a reflection generated from the application process for the SWB UK Ambassador 2016 competition. “One of the objectives of this initiative is to help people understand what the experience of studying abroad was for them, what was the experience in the UK. Participate in the contest makes you

reflect, look back and connect the dots of what actually was the experience.” Today Luiza plays the role of promoting the network, participating in events such as Career Day, held throughout Brazil, and is part of integration meetings and generate content for the project blog. Another contest prize is a trip to the UK, which took place in March and it was her first mission. “The trip is an award, but also served to know more about England, meet other universities, make contact and exchange experiences. We also had some cultural programs. Among them, we were watching a Shakespeare play at the Globe.”

I GRADUATED, NOW WHAT? After doubts, questions, challenges overcome and, finally, graduation, Luiza Negri created her own business – the platform Formei, e agora? (or I graduated, now what?) – whose mission is to inspire young people to dream higher and show the different possibilities that exist within each profession. The site began publishing stories of different professionals who tell about their experience at the beginning of their careers. Today it also offers another service: couching for new graduates. According to Luiza, the experience in the UK was crucial to put aside the idea that success only occurs in specific activities at study area. “Knowing that the diploma cannot limit you and the concept that you can learn as much or more out of the classroom were the seed for my performance today.”

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

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brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Copyleft

Obama, Timochenko and the Rolling Stones, together in Cuba Raúl Castro and Obama, Kerry and the FARC, and having Mick Jagger jump up and down – all together in Cuba around the same time - is one way to bury the revolution in a revolutionary way By Abel Gilbert, at Open Democracy g www.opendemocracy.net

It looks as if the island is once again at the centre of history. Once again, sadly: a hurricane comes and devastates the sugar plantations, the houses, and it all has to be raised back again. But who would dare to contradict the feeling that the planets are aligned once more in the Caribbean? Barack Obama landed in Cuba to turn around a history of bad relationships and melt the last remnants of the Cold War theatre of operations. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC), headed by guerrilla leaders Alias Timochenko and Ivan Márquez, and the Colombian government met in Havana with US Secretary of State John Kerry and received the support and encouragement from Washington to walk the remaining little stretch to put an end to the fifty-year old bloody armed conflict. As a symbolic closing ceremony, the Rolling Stones were presented to a crowd in Havana’s Sports City. “Half a century later,” the Cubans were saying, thrilled by the light and sound power and the figures walking across the stage. Thousands of smartphones, probably purchased with money sent by relatives living in the US, recorded the concert scenes. They will be saved together with the certainty that this was the night it all began to change really fast. Everything seems so simple… But this “half a century later” encloses one of the big paradoxes of current times. I would like to go three weeks back, if I may, when Mick Jagger was in Buenos Aires, as something happened in Argentina’s capital that may help to understand what has happened in Cuba. Jagger allowed pictures to be taken of him at the Recoleta cemetery, where Eva Peron is buried. Were these the pictures of a tourist fascinated by funeral architecture? Or is Jagger telling us, surrounded by those aristocratic tombs, like some Dorian Grey tory: “I am beyond time”? This is possibly the mystifying essence of the game mentioned in Sympathy for the Devil, one of the emblem songs of the group, with which the concert ended in Cuba. The song suggests a game of permanent and slippery ambiguity, which is already half a century old, about the time Cubans believed they were waiting for Jagger and friends. 48 years ago, Jagger did not define himself as a conservative with a small c (i.e. someone who rejects the state’s tax burden and is tolerant on moral and freedom of expression issues), nor were the Stones a limited company yet. Not at all.

In 1968, the year Sympathy for the Devil was released Sir Mick was emerging as a referent for the protests which were beginning to rock Europe. Or, at any rate, this is the way in which some in the pro-Castro left wanted to see him, as well as Jean-Luc Godard. The latter’s film One Plus One shows in detail the recording of Sympathy for the devil. The first shots in the film display the outline of the song. There are only unplugged instruments. The film ends with the Beggars Banquet album version. This work in progress, alternating with contributions by several armed members of the Black Panthers, was to Goddard a metaphor of the revolutionary process. What did the filmmaker think? What uses did he assume that voice, sexed-up body

and images were to have? Jagger had been inspired by The Master and Margarita, Mikhail Bulgakov’s anti-Stalinist satire. The novel lends itself to countless readings, but perhaps none of them is up to Goddard’s expectations. The lyrics of the song are so devious that the National Review, the journal of the enlightened US right, chose it in its article Rockin’ the Right as one of the 50 most conservative songs. I do not think that people in Cuba, in Argentina and in Colombia have been much concerned about these issues. The Stones’ uses avoid any such questions. But does the song remain the same? The title of that mid-seventies Led Zeppelin’s Madison Square Garden concerts film refers to something no

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Abel Gilbert is a journalist, writer and musician. He is the author of several books, among them, Cuba de Vuelta (1993) and Cerca de la Havana (1997).

Ismael Francisco/Cubadebate

one can elude: the meaning of a song is always contingent, volatile and utilitarian. Otherwise, how are we to understand the course followed by Stairway to Heaven, Zeppelin’s hippie anthem which has been competing with Wagner’s Ride of the Valkyries for the first place in the iPod playlist of the US soldiers who monitored the intervention in Iraq between 2003 and 2013? In Cuba, the Stones also played Street Fighting Man, a song that in a sense relates with the “old Cuba” that used to display its insurrectionary and challenging image to the world. That year, 1968, Jagger talked in London with Tariq Ali, the British Marxist writer, of Pakistani descent, who was a member

of the New Left Review and The Black Dwarf magazine. Ali later recalled those meetings in Street-Fighting Years: An Autobiography of the Sixties. After the Tet offensive launched by the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese on January 1968, the protest movement against the Vietnam War grew like wildfire in England. Thousands of demonstrators fought with the police in Grosvenor Square. Jagger was (this time) among the protesters. He wrote Street Fighting Man under the impact of the beatings by the mounted branch of the metropolitan police. The song is rudimentary music-wise, but it carries the energy of a vertiginous era: “summer’s here and the time is right for fighting in the street.” In an interview published by the International Times, the author went further than the song lyrics: “the system is rotten (...) the time has come, revolution is valid.” Excited by the circumstances, and in the midst of preparations for a second mass mobilization, Jagger offered the lyrics to The Black Dwarf. The magazine printed them under a quote from Engels (“an ounce of action is worth a ton of thought”) and a title: “Mick Jagger and Fred Engels are fighting in the streets”. When the mix of Street Fighting Man was finished in May, coinciding with the events in Paris, it was decided not to release it as a single in England. The record company feared that it would be blamed for inciting rebellion. None of this was at stake in the island. The Stones Ltd. is a global entertainment device and, as such, it spread its music on an island that is not only no longer able to promote revolutionary change: that revolution no longer exists and has not existed for many years now (much as the septuagenarian Stones are no longer those lewd young men who used to frighten the parents of the kids who listened to them). Today, the island is moving inexorably towards capitalism. It will be, first, capitalism with a strong state presence. But, at some point, the emerging bourgeoisie will demand what Obama came here to preach. Jagger and his band came to celebrate the inauguration. Arguably, they sang to those Cubans who had been thrown out of the party for decades. But their great concert could also be thought of as a more oblique way to praise Obama’s great diplomatic victory: he has re-established ties with Cuba and has played an important role in Colombia’s peace agreement (the US is convinced that when elections are held there, the FARC, which will have turned into a political party, will get very few votes). Besides, Latin America is turning right again. If 2005 is often remembered as the year when George W. Bush’s aspiration to convert the continent into a free trade area was defeated, 2016 threatens to be the year when hardly any remnants of that anti-American spirit will be left standing. Argentina has already turned right, Brazil is about to do so, and it is assumed that the same thing will happen in Venezuela. At the end of his mandate, Obama will be able to say that he can get Satisfaction.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

REPORT Edson Lopes Jr/A2AD

Legenda da foto: New service station for workers in São Paulo. Brazil’s unemployment rate reached 9.5% in the quarter ended in January this year, the highest unemployment rate since the survey began in 2012

Social development at risk Poverty and inequality reduction, gains of recent years in Brazil, are on the edge of a setback. But there are solutions

By Wagner de Alcântara Aragão

The economic recession facing Brazil today – the second consecutive year with a drop in gross domestic product (GDP), with increasing unemployment rates since the beginning of 2015 – poses a serious threat to social development experienced in the last years. The sensation is perceived by thousands of families that had access to previously unimagined goods and services and now see the difficulties of the past return. The Master in Economics Rodrigo Luis Comini Curi, who works as an assistant researcher at the Institute of Applied Economic Research (IPEA), is studying exactly the risks of setbacks caused by the economic recession in progress for his doctorate at the State University of Campinas (Unicamp). “The low economic growth or contraction of GDP affect the employment conditions and income of

the population, as well as government revenues – that is, weaken the three fronts that generated social improvements in the last decade,” he explained to the Brasil Observer. The researcher, author of a dissertation on social mobility in Brazil from 1950 to 2010, emphasized the importance of the progress achieved between 2004 and 2014. He considered, however, that the improvements were “limited and unsustainable”, ahead of the current scenario. “It was limited because, despite combating extreme poverty and giving access to the consumption of durable goods for a large population group, it did not generate the economic and social conditions for this group achieve a pattern of life truly compatible to middle class,” he said. In his view, the emergence of a “new Brazilian middle class” didn’t go beyond “the establishment of a group

of remediated people with greater access to durable consumer goods” – at the cost of a higher household debt. Moreover, he added, this “new middle class” continued to lack essential services – such as health, education, and public safety – with better quality. “The public offering of these services in Brazil is insufficient, and the private one is expensive, difficult to access for the lower middle class.” Doctor in Economics, Professor Ana Cristina Lima Couto, from the State University of Maringá (UEM), also identifies the current scenario endangers the recent social achievements. “The reduction of poverty and income inequality from the 2000s took place in a favourable context for the Brazilian economy, being explained by various factors such as the improvement of the labour market, the real increase in the minimum wage, the unification

of social programs which expanded the transfer of income (giving rise to the Bolsa Família) and the expansion of pensions, especially in rural areas. Recently the situation has changed completely. The country is experiencing an economic crisis and serious political turmoil,” she warned. For her, with the current context of “prolonged recession, falling production, reduced investment and increased unemployment,” the probability is high for a growing poverty in the population, “at least circumstantially.” “With more people unemployed and the consequent drop in income, the risk for a family returns to poverty increases greatly. I think it’s a more cyclical risk. Therefore the importance of maintaining direct income distribution programs, such as Bolsa Família, to minimize the effects of the recession on a portion of the population,” she defended.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

WAYS OUT Calculations made by IPEA support the defence of Ana Couto. According to the institute, every R$ 1 invested in social policy adds to R$ 0.76 to R$ 0.78 in the gross domestic product. In addition to endorsing the importance of income distribution programs to minimize the effects of economic instability and even reheat the economy, Ipea prepares for this year an edition of “Brasil em Desenvolvimento”, a publication that will diagnose how the crisis has impacted the social advances and, more than that propose solutions. Both Ana Couto and Rodrigo Curi consider important to adopt countercyclical measures, as done during the bursting of the global economic crisis in 2008 and 2009. However, in the face of current circumstances, the then applied solutions will hardly get as effective results as at that time. Among the measures that Brazil followed at the time, was an extension of credit – both for the productive sector and, above all, microcredit (for families, individual micro entrepreneurs and rural workers, for example). “The policy of stimulating credit is welcome,” noted Ana Couto, “because it can help to give some impetus to the economy.” The professor said it especially regarding the granting of credit for large investments, such as basic sanitation and infrastructure, and also for working capital to small and medium companies. “But it is important to note that this measure may have an effect below the desired, because we are living a moment of negative expectations for growth, employment and income. Thus, entrepreneurs tend to hold their spending plans, and the demand for credit cannot be carried out properly,” she cautioned. Rodrigo Curi said that this is the time for Brazil to discuss radical changes in its economy. “In palliative terms, I believe that the focus would be on expanding unemployment benefits and the Bolsa Família, as the biggest losers of the crisis is the lowest layers of the population, which at the same time represent the country’s transformation core and cannot be unsaved right now. But there is no palliative policy that stands with low economic growth that has occurred over the past five years. So for me, there is no escape better than dealing with structural economic issues of the country, trying to turn this moment into an opportunity to resume key issues, which seem sometimes forgotten.” There is, however, a component holding the recovery of economic activity: the political crisis that has developed particularly after the 2014 elections, aggravated further with the impeachment process of President Dilma Rousseff. In the evaluation of Ana Couto, the economy faces real problems, but “amplified” by the incessant turbulence in the political field. “The data shows that the Brazilian economy is not going well: recession, falling investment, high interest rates, high inflation, rising unemployment. The biggest problem of all

is growth. [But] this political crisis is preventing the adoption of measures in Congress that could give confidence to the markets,” she exemplified. For Rodrigo Curi, it is impossible to dissociate the economy from politics. Thus, the crisis of this invalidates outputs to the economic crisis. “There is no way toward an economic recovery project with the political chaos that the country faces. There is no way to approve economical heating measures and restructuring process without a strong state without the population trust in government and especially without the confidence of investors in the economic and political stability”. The analyst pondered: “I understand that, despite the current context demand emergency actions, we must always keep in consciousness what we want in the long term for the country. What is the national project for Brazil? This question involves not only the government and policy makers, but embraces the population as a whole.”

REAL LIFE A concrete example of the implications that the political crisis has caused to the real economy is the experience of the couple Genesis Marostica and Margarete Mendes. The two have a small estate in Tatuquara, a popular district of Curitiba, capital of southern state of Paraná. The microenterprise sells real estates in the region, via financing from Caixa Econômica Federal, a state bank, subsidized by the Minha Casa Minha Vida, a habitation federal program. The couple says that there are many customers looking for real estate able (income compatible with the provision) to close business. However, concerned about the uncertainty of the political landscape and the effects this may have on employment and family income, they end up postponing the realization of the dream of home ownership. In addition, fiscal adjustment put in place in early 2015 directly affected the business of Genesis and Margarete, and imposes restricted access to housing finance for the poorest families. Because of drastic budget cuts, the amounts of subsidies for the program decreased, making it more expensive and thus putting away popular real estate buyers. A breath came in the last week of March, when President Dilma Rousseff launched the third phase of the housing program by changing the income levels attended and reviewing subsidies. At a time when the general impression is that Brazil is stalled because of political struggle, the program seems to be the best option of the government to revive economic activity and put the country back on the path of social progress. In the speech launching the third phase of the program, the president stressed that, although historical, recent improvements of the Brazilian population living conditions are still short of actual needs. “Social inclusion is not only income distribution. The end of the misery is only a start.”

Inequality reduction requires fair taxation In an article published in the magazine Carta Capital, the doctor in Tax Law Marcos de Aguiar Villas-Boas says the Brazilian tax system as a reason preventing a more significant reduction in social discrepancies. The tax burden is heavier for the poorer than for holders of large fortunes. Villas-Boas, in the article, analyzed two recent works on social inequality in Brazil: one conducted by Marc Morgan Mila, from the Paris School of Economics, supervised by economist Thomas Piketty, and another by Pedro Souza, IPEA researcher who studied in United States with Emmanuel Saez, one of the main partners of Piketty. “The work of Mila in Paris examined a period from 1933 to 2013 and concluded that the richest 1% of Brazil today has 27% of all income, and there was an average concentration of 25% of income in the hands of this 1% since half of

the 70s. This means that in 40 years only 1/100 of people have 1/4 of all income,” summarizes the writer, who continues: “the work of Pedro examined a period from 1928 to 2012 and concluded that the inequality drop happened in recent years in Brazil was given only on the basis, that is, there was a positive improvement in the lives of the poor, but did not materialize a drop in overall inequality due to the continuing concentration of income in the hands of the richest”. Villas Boas indicates as a solution to the problem progressive taxation, i.e. one in which the top of the pyramid pays more taxes than the base. “Progressive taxation is able to decentralize the income at the top; (...) So it is the beginning of inequality reduction process. (...) The more income concentration, the weaker is the economy, with less investment and consumption, and weaker is democracy.”

IMPROVEMENTS IN 10 YEARS g

GINI INDEX (the closer to 1, the greater the degree of inequality) 2004: 0.570 2014: 0.515 Reduction of 9.65% HOUSEHOLD AVARAGE INCOME PER CAPITA (inflation adjusted) 2004: R$ 549.83 2014: R$ 861.23 Increase of 56% POVERTY (family income below R$ 70/month – national criteria) 2004: 7.38% 2014: 2.71% Reduction of 63% POVERTY (household income below US$ 1.25/day – international criteria) 2004: 9.37% 2014: 3.09% Reduction of 67% AVERAGE YEARS OF STUDY OF POPULATION AGED 18-29 2004: 9.3 2014: 10.1 Increase of 8.6% LITERACY RATE OF POPULATION AGED 15+ 2004: 88% 2014: 91.7% Increase of 4.2% UNEMPLOYMENT RATE 2004: 8.9% 2014: 6.9% Reduction of 22.5% INFORMALITY RATE 2004: 52.88% 2014: 39.93% Reduction of 24.5%

CURRENT CRISIS EFFECTS

DESEMPREGO Média em 2015: 8,5% Alta de 23% sobre 2014 RENDA MÉDIA MENSAL DO TRABALHADOR Final de 2015: R$ 1.913 Diminuição de 2% sobre o final de 2014 PRODUTO INTERNO BRUTO (PIB) 2014: 0,1% 2015: -3,8%

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

London goes to the polls to elect new mayor It is the fifth time that the elections for mayor will be held. Brazilians with European citizenship can vote The London Assembly is near to the Tower Bridge

By Márcio Apolinário

After two consecutive mandates of the current mayor Boris Johnson, from the Conservative Party, the population of London goes to the polls next 5 May to elect a new representative of the city. It is the fifth time that the elections for the municipal administration will be held. The position was created in 2000 after a referendum. On the same date it will also be elected to the London Assembly. With an annual budget of 17 million pounds, equivalent to 84 million reais and 55% higher than that of São Paulo (54 million reais), the challenge of the new mayor will be great. The capital goes through a time of change, exceeding this year the population of the historical record of the past seven decades, 8.6 million people. The last time the city reached this index was in the first year of World War II, which recorded 8.61 million people in the capital. Since then, the indexes were falling until the 1980s, when it reached 6.6 million. The decline began to be reversed in the early 2000s. The population boom has brought negative impacts to city traffic, year after year. Not for less, the area of transport is a major campaign flags of the two main candidates for mayor. In this theme, the Conservative Party candidate Zac Goldsmith, advocates greater investment in TFL (Transport for London). During his campaign, Goldsmith has also made a commitment to

expand the plan of the southern part of the London Overground. In addition, he also advocates a ban on heavy vehicles in the city centre during rush hours, after a series of deaths of cyclists, and the expansion of other road systems of the capital. For comparison, the measure is similar to the truck restriction adopted in São Paulo since 2011. In São Paulo, the ban goes from 5am to 9am and between 5pm and 10pm, punishable by a fine of 85.13 reais. Still in the transport area, the candidate from the Labour Party, Sadiq Khan, has adopted a proposal to move directly to the London citizen’s pocket: a promise to freeze rates until 2020. For his calculations, the cost of the freeze would turn around 450 million pounds over the next four years. The TFL, which run the transport system, believes that the cost of the subsidy to keep the rate the same amount would be much higher, reaching 1.9 billion pounds by the end of the term. The freezing rate has seen barbs exchanged during the campaign. The Conservative candidate said that freezing the rate may end up stifling investment in city transportation area. In response, Sadiq Khan, a former Minister of Transport, said that Londoners have a clear decision on discussion of tariffs, a frozen value during the next four years or an increase of 17% in case of a victory of Zac Goldsmith.

VOTING INTENTION The promise of a frozen rate by 2020 has brought results. Research carried out between 8 and 10 March shows that the Labour candidate holds the lead in the race for the mayor’s chair. According to the survey conducted by YouGov, Khan would win the election with 32%. He has seven percentage points higher than Zac Goldsmith, who is in second place with 25% of the vote. Although the Labour candidate has a certain advantage, Goldsmith can turn the tide focusing his forces in the 23% undecided voters, a share that has been decreasing in recent polls. The survey also asked which areas should be prioritized by the future mayor, with the majority of respondents pointing to housing and transport as their main concerns. Health, policing and economic development appear in sequence. The Chamber of Commerce and Industry London also released a survey of industry entrepreneurs to know their position in relation to the main candidates for the post of mayor. The survey by ComRes shows that business leaders of the city believe that the Conservative Zac Goldsmith has a more pro-business vision (65%) than that of Sadiq Khan (39%). The survey also shows the concern of entrepreneurs in relation to the transport sector. According to the survey, 38% of them believe that the cost of transport in London is one of the bi-

ggest challenges for small businesses seeking to grow and expand their businesses. The result sounds like a clear message to the main candidates.

BRAZILIAN VOTE Many people do not know, but Brazilians with European citizenship can also participate in municipal elections in London. The regulation is very simple. Citizens only need to register on the site www. gov.uk/register-to-vote until 18 April. “I think it’s extremely important to vote in the country I live in, because once we decided to live here, to participate in the choice of our representatives can effectively improve our well-being in the city. Especially when it comes to the mayor of London,” said Brazilian Max Candido, who will vote for the first time in London, to the Brasil Observer. Going against the tide of better placed candidates in the survey, Max sees the Green Party a better option. “So far the proposals from Sian Berry are the right ones for my way of seeing London. Reduce pollution by changing the way residents get around, giving more room for bike paths and improving pedestrian paths. Of course this means more fees for those using cars in the city, but as she says, there’s no gain without pain. Anyway, I believe that the common good should come first, before we determine that actions must individually benefit us only,” he said.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Reproduction

HOW IT WORKS On 5 May 2016 Londoners go to the polls to elect a mayor and 25 members of the London Assembly. g

MAIN CANDIDATES g

Zac Goldsmith (Conservative Party) – Zac Goldsmith, son of the late billionaire Sir James Goldsmith, was educated at Eton and Cambridge Centre for Sixth-form Studies before becoming editor of the Ecologist magazine. He was elected MP for Richmond Park in 2010 and increased his majority in 2015. He is known for his involvement in environmental issues, particularly his vocal opposition to Heathrow expansion. Mr Goldsmith is hoping to continue in the tradition of Boris Johnson, pledging not to raise the mayor-controlled element of council tax at the same time as giving Transport for London the funding it says it needs to upgrade the Tube. He says he would ensure 50,000 new homes are being built every year in London by 2020 but has also vowed to protect greenbelt land. Sadiq Khan (Labour Party) – Sadiq Khan, son of a bus driver, grew up on a south London housing estate. He attended a local comprehensive school before going to university and training as a lawyer and went on to become a human rights solicitor, representing claims of racism against the Met. Shortly after being elected MP for Tooting in 2005 he became parliamentary private secretary to then Commons leader Jack Straw. He became one of the first British Muslims to sit on the frontbench when he took up a ministerial role in the Department for Communities and Local Government and later the Department for Transport. He is promising to freeze Transport for London fares for four years. His idea is to build a minimum of 80,000 homes a year and specify that 50% of new housing built on public land must be designated as affordable. Sian Berry (Green Party) – Sian Berry is the only Green councillor on the Labour-run borough of Camden and also ran for City Hall in 2008. She worked in medical communications before becoming involved in politics. The Green Party will hope to match its 2012 record, when their then candidate Jenny Jones beat the Lib Dems into third place. Sian Berry has said that as mayor she would get rid of City Airport, establish a renters’ union and introduce “flat fares” across London travel zones. Caroline Pidgeon (Liberal Democrats) – Caroline Pidgeon is the only candidate currently sitting at City Hall, where she has been an Assembly Member since 2008. She is the party’s leader at the London Assembly, and deputy chair of the London Assembly’s Transport Committee and Police and Crime Committee. Launching her campaign she said she wanted to tackle the barriers that make London “a city that serves the few, not the many”. Her flagship policies include half-price fares for journeys starting before 07:30 and scrapping the Garden Bridge. Peter Whittle (UK Independence Party) – Peter Whittle, previously UKIP’s culture spokesman, has written about what he argues is a shortage of right-leaning voices in the arts and has spoken extensively about the effects of migration from the EU on the capital, particularly in relation to housing. He has also said he would support the use of stop and search to help tackle youth crime.

What does the London mayor do? Transport, policing, environment, and housing and planning in London are the four big areas which the mayor controls. The mayor also creates policies for arts and culture, business, fire, health, regeneration, sport and young people in London. What does the London Assembly do? The London Assembly debates the mayor’s policies, The assembly must also be consulted over the GLA budget. It can reject mayoral policies or amend the draft budget if two-thirds of assembly members agree to do so. Voting for the mayor Using the pink ballot paper, voters choose their first and second preferences for mayor. The votes are counted and if a candidate has won more than 50% of first preferences, they are elected mayor. If no candidate has won more than 50%, all but the top two candidates are eliminated. Any second preferences for the top two candidates from the eliminated candidates are added to their totals. Whoever has the most votes combined is declared the winner. Second preferences on the ballot papers of the top two candidates for one of the other top candidates are not counted. Voting for the London Assembly Voters have two ballot papers to choose the two types of London Assembly member. The yellow ballot paper is used to choose the constituency member. Voters choose one candidate, who if elected will represent their area of London. Ballots are counted and whoever has won the most is elected. The orange ballot paper is used to choose one of the 11 additional London-wide assembly members, who represent the whole city. This time, voters choose one political party or an individual standing as an independent candidate. London-wide seats are allocated using proportional representation, using a mathematical formula called modified D’Hondt.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

CONECTANDO

Transforming a community This summer, Quilombo UK will host a project called ‘Inspire’ at Kingston upon Thames. Creative workshops will be held throughout July and August, teaching people how to think differently about those from other groups or backgrounds by fighting prejudice and their own unconscious biases By Ioana Costin

ABOUT QUILOMBO UK Quilombo UK is a charitable social marketing organisation with strong links to the Kingston community. Established in 2009, to meet a need identified through various creative projects organised by Axe Capoeira UK – a Brazilian martial arts school run by the Chairman of Quilombo UK, to create a more cohesive community. The organization’s core values are promoting equality and creating inclusion, whilst inspiring people to think differently about cultural differences. The name “Quilombo” derives from the Brazilian word used to describe a settlement of freed slaves – the place where those who fled captivity came together with those brave enough to think differently and disagree with slavery. Together they formed one community, alive with culture, music, dance and life. Starting to encourage such a united and open-minded community in Kingston will be a first step towards enhancing diversity and inclusion. If successful, the organisation aims to promote these values over the next years throughout London and the UK by organising creative events on a larger scale.

THE 2016 PROJECT ‘INSPIRE’ Over the course of the summer 2016, with funding from the National Lottery, Quilombo UK will be running various events under the motto “inspire”. ‘Inspire’ is a community-focused project consisting of a series of workshops. It aims to encoura-

ge open-mindedness and tolerance among Kingston residents and to inspire participants to think differently; this means losing assumptions and breaking stereotypes they might hold against those community members who come from different backgrounds. The workshop is taking place between July and August 2016: Challenging Stereotypes – Participants will be told a story about an individual, without disclosing his/her age, background or any physical features. Thereafter, they will be asked to guess the identity of the person described. Such ‘Blind Tests’ address stereotypical thinking and prejudices and help reveal hidden biases. Treasure Hunt – Individual communities treasure their culture. This workshop provides them with the opportunity to exchange cultural treasures such as traditions and beliefs amongst each other. Learning about and celebrating positive differences can help promote a more cohesive borough. Community Scene – Consisting of flash mobs aimed at raising awareness about discrimination based on an individual’s appearance. Short scenes will showcase various scenarios where people have been misjudged because of their different look, in order to demonstrate the social injustice of our society. In order to reach as many people as possible, these workshops will be held in all four neighbourhoods of the Kingston borough. This will increase unity on a neighbour-to-neighbour level. Working with neighbourhood managers of Kingston Council and hosting neighbourhood specig

fic events will facilitate the participation of residents that are otherwise less likely to be engaged - civic engagement tends to lead to further civic engagement, something that would be very beneficial to the community.

COMMUNITY BENEFITS Kingston upon Thames represents a very diverse borough: 26% of the locals belong to Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) groups; the borough also hosts the largest Korean population in Europe. Nevertheless, an issue identified by Quilombo UK in discussion with local partner organisations and through their past projects is that, despite this multiculturalism, there is a lack of integration amongst groups, which can lead to isolation and discrimination. Quilombo UK hopes to encourage individuals to stop and think about these issues and to bring about behavioural change by making locals acknowledge how their preconceptions, borne out of the media or social environment, can unconsciously lead to prejudice and discriminatory behaviour. The aim is to reach a minimum of 1,500 residents throughout the ‘Inspire’ project. Furthermore, a short documentary will be produced to showcase the findings of the workshops, which will include data about local integration; through the help local and social media this will hopefully reach many more people in Kingston and beyond. This will be an informative tool as well as an example on how to think differently and practise open-mindedness.

PAST PROJECTS Since 2009, Quilombo UK has successfully hosted workshops for schools, colleges, and local communities, which included a project with the homeless, connecting them with the local community and services. Most recently, Quilombo UK ran its first big project ‘Celebrating Freedom’, which impacted over 1,500 different individuals but also included talks by influential figures such as the Mayor of Kingston, local councillor Dennis Doe and the Head of Kingston Race & Equality Council, John Azar. Organisations like the Kingston Refugee Action and institutions such as Kingston College & Kingston University have recognised the success of these events and signalled their support and desire to work more closely with the organisation, which has fuelled their ambition to go further.

CALL-OUT: GET INVOLVED! The more people that get involved, the stronger communities become. Quilombo UK seeks support in all forms from influential, firm voices as ambassadors of their message to local students and residents participating in their events or volunteering to help organise it. The organisation relies on a small team of volunteers, so don’t hesitate to get in contact if you want to be part of Quilombo UK and engage to enhance the Kingston community!

To learn more, contact Quilombo UK at 0208 6179570 or email at ioanac.quilombouk@gmail.com

Divulgation/Quilombo UK

CONECTANDO is a project developed by Brasil Observer aiming to enhance experiences of ‘glocal’ communication. In partnership with universities and social movements, our goal is to bring local content for a global audience. To participate, write to contato@brasilobserver.co.uk

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

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brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

From Fado The Portuguese singer Ana Moura and Brazilian rapper Criolo represent the Portuguese language in Latin festival La Linea By Gabriela Lobianco

On one hand we have Fado, a musical style with sad tones that appeared in Portugal at the beginning of the 19th century, today with a world heritage title and played by a new generation of great musicians, such as Carminho, the group Deolinda and Ana Moura. On the other hand there’s Rap (short for rhythm and poetry); a genre emerged in the 1960s that declaims in manifest the struggles of the peripheries. Established in Brazilian mainly with Racionais Mc’s group, in the 1990s, it has recently returned to the spotlight with the rise of new artists such as Leandro Roque de Oliveira, the Emicida, and Kleber Cavalcante Gomes, Criolo. It is in this tune that the London Latin music festival La Linea, which takes place in April, brings in its 16th year, two exponents representatives of the Portuguese language universe that at first glance seem to have nothing in common. The Fado singer Ana Moura, who’s concert on the 19 April is completely sold out, and the Brazilian rapper Criolo, who will do a tour in the United Kingdom, starting in Cambridge on 21 April and passing through Bristol (22), Leeds (23) London (24), Brighton (25) and Manchester (26). Some may think that Rap and Fado are music styles completely different with their dissonant harmonies and melodic construction. But both bring poetic verses to tell stories. Ana Moura had the idea of joining the two styles when she went to Brazil. “I thought then it might be interesting to join Rap and Fado, these two musical genres so diverse, but at same time equally urban, styles that tell concrete and real stories,” she said to the Brasil Observer. Criolo agreed. For him, there is a “fusion of everything with everything in music.” He added that “only men have borders, arts don’t.” The event producer, Andy Wood, said the festival emphasizes a comprehensive representation of contemporary Latin music. “We have worked with Ana Moura in La Linea before but she is now reaching new heights as an artist. Criolo has never played La Linea before, although it was the festival that gave Seu Jorge his UK debut and we always are looking out for what is new and interesting from Brazil.” In June, by the way, the producer Como No, which organizes the La Linea, brings back to London the Bixiga 70, instrumentalist band from São Paulo that debuted on British soil in last January. Wood believes that an audience that is open to different types of music can benefit from the diversity of the festival. “We love audiences who are open to everything and we hope that some of Ana’s audience will come to hear Criolo and vice versa. Both Ana and Criolo are great voices for their own communities but with the ability to reach out far beyond,” he said.

Ana Moura and Criolo: Portugal and Brazil in La Linea

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Isabel Pinto

to Rap

Léo Aversa

Although they are going to play on different days, both the Portuguese and the Brazilian artists are in a fertile period of their careers. The two are releasing new albums. The new album of the Fado singer, called Moura has emerged, according to her from “a new will I have to reinvent myself on each album, that’s why we have a butterfly on the cover, symbolizing the idea of metamorphosis.” Although composers and production are the same of her last works, the singer considers that the new one is “musically bolder than the last.” No wonder it has a duet with Omara Portuondo, diva of Buena Vista Social Club orchestra, which also appeared in London in early April. Ana Moura participated in a concert with the Cuban group two years ago in Portugal, and when recording “Eu entrego” she thought it had similarities with the rhythms of Cuba. “I thought it made sense to tell this story from two different points of view, from my and from the point of view of a more mature voice,” she said. Reinvention is ultimately the theme of Criolo’s new work as well, as he re-launches his first and little known CD, Ainda há tempo, first recorded in 2006, to celebrate the ten years since the beginning. The first version sold only 500 copies, which motivated the rapper to revive the album and create new concerts. “I think I bring a bit of my story to the world and take a lot back to mine.” In this idea, each track is accompanied by a presentation on a big screen that refers to his career as an artist. In addition to the shows in England, the artist will perform in several cities in Brazil. “I hope the audience comes with an open heart to divide the good energy that will be generated at the time and beyond,” Criolo said to the Brasil Observer. The highlight is the song “Chuva ácida”, which has a video clip.

OLD FELLOWS The two artists have already played together in a duet at Fado Festival in Rio de Janeiro in 2013. The song “Amor Afoito” was the result of this partnership. Ana Moura said she likes genres like Rap, R&B and Soul, and invited Criolo to sing with her because she finds him extraordinary. “I think he’s an extremely creative and complete artist, rare these days.” For the rapper, “Ana Moura is a fantastic person and a great artist, owner of a supreme voice, and that’s life sometimes presents us with some wonderful things and be able to be with the beloved Ana Moura, live this moment, it is of great satisfaction for me.” Thus, La Linea promises to please the listeners of the Portuguese language. The festival also features presentations of Daymé Arocena, La Yegros and Chico Trujillo, among other artists.

LA LINEA FESTIVAL When 17 to 28 April Where various venues Info www.comono.co.uk/la-linea

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Columnists FRANKO FIGUEIREDO

Stop Read Think Respond Are we just disseminating gossip rather than knowledge?

Last month, I saw a production of Love and Information by Caryl Churchill that made me question, as good theatre should, the current level of virtual communication and how it affects us. Is screen communication buffeting us with more news, gossip and trivia than we can possibly digest? Is it forcing us to numb ourselves to the misery of others? Is information being used mostly to manipulate, to acquire, and to dominate? Are we just disseminating gossip rather than knowledge? As a millennial generation we can retrieve the most obscure intelligence at the click of a button but are totally unwise to know what to do with it. So much information can become burdensome and alienating. When reading comments posted under social and political online news articles, or the usual social media forums, I have noticed that the amount of vitriol displayed in them has become more frequent than before. I started to question: are we just using these forums as a place where we can let off steam? Would we respond in the same manner if we were speaking face to face? Or, is the lack of words and ability to express oneself properly that pushes people towards abusive posts? That is the challenge here. I feel that the speed to which we are required to respond pushes people to react, rather than stop and carefully think of how to reply. Lack of social skills in our social networks is becoming the norm. Responses from our animalistic, emotional mind are becoming more prevalent than ever. How can we develop a more patient and intelligent way of responding to what is going on around us? Caryl Churchil alludes to exactly this in her play Love and Information, recently directed by Tanja Pagnuco at the Marylebone Theatre. Churchill is one of the sharpest playwrights of our time and here seems to be analysing what this informational load is doing to us. She depicts a contemporary life in which despite so many options, it appears to be crushingly lonely, often cold and quite unforgiving. The 57 very short scenes in Love and Information are almost a mirror of Facebook and other screen interactions: brief and random. In this world seduced by the virtual, memory and knowledge are manipulated for power. It doesn’t seem to matter how much we engage in philosophical debates over fate and free will, over good and evil, no one can possibly have all the information to solve this ancient problem. When having to reply with speed and without much thought we get caught up in polarised emotional opinions and forget how complex life issues really are. The one thing I believe we can do is take responsibility. We need to

start putting into action all those wise “quotes” circulated around social media. They sound all so wonderful, but can we actually “act” on them? Can we follow our own advice? We ought to take the reins and master our minds, and stop being carried away by our environment and those around you. Every time we are posed with a new piece of information, we ought to ask ourselves, where is that coming from? Who is writing it? Am I absorbing the information from a place of judgment? Is the source reliable? Is this truthful or just mere gossip? What is my most humane response? Not easy to do, I know but every time we do it, we will start chipping away the negativity that surrounds us. So every time you are faced with such challenge: Stop. Read/listen. Think kindly. Respond. Responding with heightened emotions such as anger only leads to further destruction. Anger is a healthy emotion but it needs to be used wisely towards constructing something positive rather than just being a form of lashing out and destroying everything around us. Becoming aware of your environment and emotions without passing judgment on them is the first step towards responding from a place of humanity. We need to learn to live with this constant cascade of facts and opinion. Listen to them respectfully and, if in disagreement be able to respond with thought not emotion. Opinions need to be properly formed, not quickly dished out as if we were grabbing a quick burger and fries from a fast-food restaurant. Is the art of dialectics dead? Should we bring it back to the school curriculum? As soon as someone disagrees with you your social field becomes flooded by abuse and expletives. Few seem to be able to “agree to disagree” in a philosophical manner. The art of dialogue needs to be resurrected if we are to build a more harmonious (virtual) world. I feel unease about a society in which the speed of communication replaces human connections and provokes reactions that has terrible consequences. I have seen far too many friendships being destroyed and jobs being lost by quick fire responses with little thought. So let’s do this: Stop. Read/listen. Think kindly. Respond. When Michael Billington reviewed Churchill’s play back in 2012 he said that Love and Information “is a humanist document… Churchill suggests, with compassionate urgency, that our insatiable appetite for knowledge needs to be informed by our capacity for love.” g

Franko Figueiredo is artistic director and associate producer of StoneCrabs Theatre Company

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Maristela Martins

T 0207 586 9082 M 078 6535 8453 E info@morales.uk www.morales.uk

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Two restless geniuses Miramari joins the Brazilian pianist André Mehmari and the Italian clarinettist Gabriele Mirabassi In an attempt to keep alive the flame of good music that illuminated the Choro Jazz Festival in Jericoacoara, in Brazil’s north-eastern state of Ceará, I comment on the DVD/CD Miramari (Monteverdi studio), which unites the Brazilian pianist André Mehmai and the Italian clarinettist Gabriele Mirabassi. Two geniuses. Disparate talents, Mirabassi is more classical and Mehmari more popular. Or is it the contrary? Are both of them pop? Are they classicists? There isn’t a wrong answer. In their concert during the festival, they played all the repertoire of the DVD/CD. Piano and clarinet dialogued in a whirlwind of concepts. Each of them has something to say, and they do it with technique, which makes the virtuosity to flourish. Nothing more contemporary, nothing more exuberant. Produced by Mehmari, the DVD was recorded in his own studio in São Paulo. The repertoire is basically all created by him, apart from three songs by Guinga – two with Mauro Aguiar and one with Simone Guimarães. Other two were made by Mehmari in partnership with Luiz Tatit and Thiago Torres Silva. The arrangements seem identical to the songs and changes in their dynamics magnify them. There are times when the genius of interpretation overlaps the composition itself: that’s when the instrumentalists grow wings and fly over the sublime. “Apenas o Mar” (Mehmari and Thiago da Silva), a track that opens both the DVD and the CD, starts with the delicate breath of clarinet. The piano sustains g

him, adding even more sweetness to the melody. “Brilha o Carnaval” (Mehmari and Luiz Tatit) comes after putting everything down. Clarinet and piano infatuate. One soles, the other burns. What a feeling! The improvisations get crazy. It’s a lot of technique. The clarinet and the piano begin “O Espelho” (Mehmari), a serene theme. The sound of the instruments is a beautiful thing. “Primeiro Choro de Lucas” (Mehmari) combines tradition and modernity. The interpretation of the instrumentalists is a tasteful class. “Elogio ao Choro” (Mehmari) is more doleful than the previous one, with Mehmari citing some of the most famous songs of the genre, such as “Apanhei-te Cavaquinho” by Ernesto Nazareth. “Canção Desnecessária” (Guinga and Mauro Aguiar), “Rasgando Seda” (Guinga and Simone Guimarães) and “Vivo Entre Valsas” (Mehmari) come after. Harmonious in their gentle beauty, clarinet and piano, in mutual agreement, touch upon the classic. Thus, in an escalation of supreme musicality, the two restless geniuses play. The hands of the pianist with the same bountiful strength of his compositional inspiration and the breath of clarinettist with the intensity of a breath of divine life. Together, the precision of their performance exceeds the capacity we have to coexist with something unknown. They are like the mystery exposing the soul to the unknown: while it scares pride fills us because we belong to the same world as them.

Aquiles Reis is a musician, vocalist of the iconic Brazilian band MPB4

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brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

LONDON BY

Vegan life Carla Monsoro indicates vegan restaurants in London

You may already know: a little of everything happens in London. The most unusual and unthinkable things are available to anyone who is willing to venture without prejudice. That’s what makes this place the best in the world! The cuisine in London is no different. It would make any food truck in Brazil envious. I dare to say that here is the largest gastronomic diversity of Europe. As a good Brazilian, I prepared a list of the best vegan restaurants for you to visit in London, because not every ‘brazuca’ is carnivorous and not all vegans eat only grass.

222 Veggie Vegan pancake with ice cream

Divulgation

Vantra Vitao confectionaries

Mildreds burger Black Cat Cafe breakfast

Producer of vegan and gluten-free foods, such as bread, cheese and vegetarian proteins. Tasty food with fast food style, but healthy and with products from London area and organic, which is good for you and the environment. (www.youngvegans.co.uk).

Vegan fish and chips

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

MILDREDS Founded in 1988, probably the oldest vegetarian restaurant in London, the Mildreds serves continental food, including burgers with vegan cheese (yes, it exists and it is wonderful!), typically English pies, burritos and the most glorious drinks in the world. I recommend a drink called porn star – beyond the luxury name, it is also accompanied by a shot of prosecco. Regarding the food, the sweet potato curry is phenomenal (not too spicy, because they do well in coconut milk). The chef Marcelo, who is Brazilian, is one of the brilliant minds behind this wonderful restaurant, with locations in Camden Town, Soho and King’s Cross. (www.mildreds.co.uk).

222 VEGGIE VEGAN Just a few minutes from West Kensington tube station, this restaurant has a very economical buffet at lunchtime (those you pay little and repeat as many times your belly can take). It is at dinnertime however, they serve the full menu. With African inspirations, they make fried banana portions and stuffed pancake with vegan ricotta and beans. The restaurant opts for healthier options, so you do not find anything frying, because everything is produced in the oven, and provide raw foods on the menu, like salads with pumpkin noodles. The desserts are the most amazing things too. Try the pancake with ice cream and chocolate syrup with vanilla. (222 North End Rd, W14 9NU - 020 7381 2322 - www.222veggievegan.com).

VANTRA VITAO Do you have a busy life and without much time for healthy eating habits? Your problems are over. The Vantra restaurant is located in the city centre, seconds from Tottenham Court Road station, just in front of Primark. There you will find a fresh kombucha, a fermented drink that is the hit of the moment, embraced by celebrities like Madonna and Gwyneth Paltrow. The food at Vantra is the healthiest I have ever consumed. One reason is that they do not use gluten or nuts, neither preservative. They also provide a huge list of those green juices of the most varied flavours, and raw sweet pies that seem baked but is not. (25-27 Oxford St, W1D 2DW - 020 7439 8237 – www.vantra.co.uk).

BLACK CAT CAFE Known for its political and militant side, the restaurant is a cooperative and do community work, as charitable dinners. Located minutes from Hackney Central, the Black Cat Cafe has a hipster atmosphere. For me, they serve the best vegan English breakfast. But you must be wondering what kind of fry-up has no eggs or sausage? Come and tell me. (76 Clarence Rd, E5 8HB - 020 8985 7091 - www.blackcatcafe.co.uk).

NORMAN’S COACH AND HORSES SOHO The first vegetarian pub in London, it is located in Soho and was built around 1850. There you can order your favourite beer and also a wonderful vegan fish and chips, which is an indispensable experience. The dish is made of tofu and has a crispy crust of nori, that sheet of seaweed, which gives the taste of fish. This pub is very traditional and has a lot of stories to tell. The owner, for example, is nicknamed the coarser in London for barring customers that he does not like. I recommend going upstairs bar where journalists from Private Eye met, and there are music nights. (29 Greek St, W1D 5DH - 020 7437 5920 - www.thecoachandhorsessoho.co.uk).

VEGAN FESTIVAL On 30 April and 1 May a festival of vegan foods takes place in Brixton. There will be Caribbean food, Italian brads, snacks with no gluten etc., as well as information about veganism. We, the Young Vegans, will be there making burgers with creamy cheese and temakis – all vegan, of course! The festival is free and begins at noon. More information on Facebook: Vegbar Vegan Fest. (45 Tulse Hill, SW2 2TJ - www.vegbar.co.uk).

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

BR TRIP

Shaun Alexander starts a new monthly column by exploring the Amazon near the city of Manaus

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

Personal archive

When I’m not editing the English version of this newspaper, I’ve taken a very keen interest in travelling Brazil. The Brazil I’ve known for the past 10 years has been the southwest corner, but what fascinates me most about Brazil is its crazy, chaotic but beautiful diversity. There is so much more to explore in this enormous country, and I have been challenged by the founders of this newspaper to get out there and see it. So that’s exactly what I am proposing to you right now. Every month, I’ll go to a new place in Brazil and tell you about my experiences. The photographs with this article you can also find on my instagram account (@shaunalex) and I am also developing a specific YouTube account, Um escocês no Brasil. Coming soon. First stop was a place I’d dreamed of visiting before I even knew it was in Brazil: The Amazon Rainforest. As a nature lover and keen follower of people like David Attenborough since I could walk (friends at school used to call me ‘Nature Boy’), the Amazon had always been pretty high on the list of places to go. But it’s a difficult place to get to, no matter where in the world you are, even when you live in Brazil. This trip would always just be a taste of what is an enormous region, so it was decided we’d head right for the centre: Manaus, the capital city of the state of Amazonas.

We stayed about 20 minutes drive outside the city in an enormous, colonial hotel on the banks of the Rio Negro called Tropical Hotel. Being a short trip, we could only really sample the delights of the Amazon rather than delve into them. So, in our group, we decided to do a couple of day trips. First was a boat trip up the Rio Negro, where we visited an Indian village some 30 kilometres from Manaus. In actual fact, the village homes families from several tribes who live in a world between their original culture and that of modern day Brazil. They are used to visitors and perform dances for every boatload that comes by. The tribe is real but their way of life isn’t as presented. They are modern, all the kids take boats to school where they learn Portuguese, and much of their original way of life is lost. Being located so close to a sprawling city like Manaus means it was inevitable, but it’s great they can keep some of their traditions alive and can display this to visitors. The people were extremely welcoming and friendly and I loved meeting them in their village.

PINK ‘BOTOS’ While there, our fast boat whizzed us to another location on the opposite side of the river. Here, we swam with the legendary pink river dolphins. Although totally wild,

these animals are used to the guides who hand feed them in water, in a place where tourists can get up close and personal with these amazing animals. They swim beneath your feet as they take turns to jump up and grab fish from the hand of the guide, who knows most of the animals individually. This is an experience not to be missed. The final experience of our boat tour was seeing the Meeting of the Waters. It is a great sight to see where the mighty Amazon River officially begins. I found the change of temperatures between the waters (Rio Negro is very warm, Rio Solimões much cooler) both shocking and fascinating. Along with that, we also took a short walk through a nature reserve and ate lunch on a floating restaurant. I should mention, the food in the region is quite unique. If you like fish, this place is heaven. I literally tried a different type of fish every day, each prepared in their own special way. The local fruits and vegetables – too exotic and numerous to list – are also incredible, while you must also try the many, many ways they prepare tapioca. Another daytrip was to the small town of Presidente Figueiredo, which is about 100 kilometres north of Manaus. Here, there are dozens of waterfalls in the jungle, and we had time to fit three in during the day. If you find yourself struggling with the immense, humid

heat of the Amazon, this is the place to go, for the small rivers and waterfalls here are icy cold. A dip in any of them is an exhilarating and breath taking experience for the cold water alone. I didn’t have a great deal of time to explore the city of Manaus in great detail, although I did walk around the Municipal Market and also visited the world famous theatre, with its stunning design. Four days is not enough time to explore the area of Manaus, let alone the Amazon. What it gave me was a tiny taste, and I want more. I want to learn more about this marvellous rainforest, the animals that live there, and the great body of water that flows through it. It’s possible to stay in remote lodges in the jungle for days isolated from the world but in comfort. This sounds perfect. I realize there are many states that encompass the Amazon, so I should have to think about the next Amazonian trip. Having said that, I have more to learn about the city of Manaus too, so I will definitely be back for more. A highlight for me was taking a walk to the Ponte do Rio Negro beach in the evenings, swimming in the bathwater-warm water while watching the most intense sunsets and thunderstorms I’ve ever seen, as they illuminated the horizon. If you have any tips of where I should travel for upcoming columns, get in touch with me on social media.

brasilobserver.co.uk | April 2016

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